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' Long days be his, and each as lusty-sweet 
As >nraciou8 natures find his sonji; to be ; 
May age steal on with softly-cadenced feet 
Falling in music, as for him were meet 

Whose choicest note is harsher-toned than he I *' 


In selecting the illustrations for this book I have followed 
the same rule as in its predecessors, — to admit nothing for 
the sake of mere embellishment, nothing which has not, 
from one point of view or another, some intrinsic historical 

In the annotated list of illustrations I have indicated my 
obligations for various courtesies. Especial thanks are due 
to Wilberforce Eames of the Lenox Library, W. G. Stanard 
of the Virginia Historical Society, W. W. Scott of the Vir^ 
ginia State Library, A. S. Salley of the South Carolina 
Historical Society, J. K. P. Bryan, Esq., of Charleston, 
S. C, Dr. Edmund Jennings Lee, President Tyler of Wil- 
liam and Mary College, and G. P. Winship of the Carter 
Brown Library in Providence, R. I. 
Cambridge, November 8, 1900. 


In the series of books on American history, upon which I 
have for many years been engaged, the present volumes come 
between " The Discovery of America " and " The Begin- 
nings of New England." The opening chapter, with its brief 
sketch of the work done by Elizabeth's great sailors, takes 
up the narrative where the concluding chapter of "The 
Discovery of America " dropped it. Then the story of Vir- 
ginia, starting with Sir Walter Raleigh and Rev. Richard 
Hakluyt, is pursued until the year 1753, when the youthful 
George Washington sets forth upon his expedition to warn 
the approaching Frenchmen from any further encroachment 
upon English soil. That moment marks the arrival of a new 
era, when a book like the present — which is not a local 
history nor a bundle of local histories — can no longer follow 
the career of Virginia, nor of the southern colonies, except 
as part and parcel of the career of the American people. 
That "continental state of things," which was distinctly 
heralded when the war of the Spanish Succession broke out 
during Nicholson's rule in Virginia, had arrived in 1753. To 
treat it properly requires preliminary consideration of many 
points in the history of the northern colonies, and it is 
accordingly reserved for a future work. 

It will be observed that I do not call the present work a 
"History of the Southern Colonies." Its contents would 


not justify such a title, inasmuch as its scope and purpose 
are different from what such a title would imply. My aim is 
to follow the main stream of causation from the time of 
Raleigh to the time of Dinwiddie, from its sources down to 
its absorption into a mightier stream. At first our attention 
is fixed upon Raleigh's Virginia, which extends from Florida 
to Canada, England thrusting herself in between Spain and 
France. With the charter of 1609 (see below, vol. L p. 144) 
Virginia is practically severed from North Virginia, which 
presently takes on the names of New England and New 
Netherland, and receives colonies of Puritans and Dutch- 
men, with which this book is not concerned. 

From the territory of Virginia thus cut down, further 
slices are carved from time to time ; first Maryland in 1632, 
then Carolina in 1663, then Georgia in 1732, almost at the 
end of our narrative. Colonies thus arise which present 
a few or many different social aspects from those of Old 
Virginia; and while our attention is still centred upon the 
original commonwealth as both historically most important 
and in personal detail most interesting, at the same time 
the younger commonwealths claim a share in the story. A 
comparative survey of the social features in which North 
Carolina, South Carolina, and Maryland differed from one 
another, and from Virginia, is a great help to the right un- 
derstanding of all four commonwealths. To Maryland I 
find that I have given 107 pages, while the Carolinas, whose 
history begins practically a half century later, receive 67 
pages ; a mere mention of the beginnings of Georgia is all 
that suits the perspective of the present story. The further 
development of these southern communities will, it is hoped, 
receive attention in a later work. 

As to the colonies founded in what was once known as 


North Virginia, I have sketched a portion of the story in 
"The Beginnings of New England," ending with the ac- 
cession of William and Mary. The remainder of it will form 
the subject of my next work, already in preparation, entitled 
"The Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America ; " which will 
comprise a sketch of the early history of New York, New 
Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania, with a discussion of the 
contributions to American life which may be traced to the 
Dutch, German, Protestant French, and Scotch-Irish migra- 
tions previous to the War of Independence. 

To complete the picture of the early times and to " make 
connections" with "The American Revolution," still an- 
other work will be needed, which shall resume the story of 
New England at the accession of William and Mary. With 
that story the romantic fortunes of New France are insep- 
arably implicated, and in the course of its development one 
colony after another is brought in until from the country of 
the Wabenaki to that of the Cherokees the whole of Eng- 
lish America is involved in the mightiest and most fateful 
military struggle which the eighteenth century witnessed. 
The end of that conflict finds thirteen colonies nearly ripe 
for independence and union. 

The present work was begun in 1882, and its topics have 
been treated in several courses of lectures at the Washing- 
ton University in St. Louis, and elsewhere. In 1895 I gave 
a course of twelve such lectures, especially prepared for the 
occasion, at the Lowell Institute in Boston. But the book 
cannot properly be said to be " based upon " lectures ; the 
book was primary and the lectures secondary. 

The amount of time spent in giving lectures and in writ- 
ing a schoolbook of American history has greatly delayed 
the appearance of this book. It is more than five years 


since " The Discovery of America " was published ; I hope 
that "The Dutch and Quaker Colonies'' will appear after a 
much shorter interval. 
Cambridge, October lo, 1897. 





Tercentenary of the Discovery of America, 1792 . . . . i 

The AbW Raynal and his book 2 

Was the discovery of America a blessing or a curse to mankind ? . 4 

The Abb^ Genty's opinion 4 

A cheering item of therapeutics 5 

Spanish methods of colonization contrasted with English . . 6 
Spanish conquerors valued America for its supply of precious 

metals 7 

Aim of Columbus was to acquire the means for driving the Turks 

from Europe . . . .^ 7 

But Spain used American treasure not so much against Turks as 

against Protestants 8 

Vast quantities of treasure taken from America by Spain . . 9 

Nations are made wealthy not by inflation but by production 10 
Deepest significance of the discovery of America ; it opened up a 
fresh soil in which to plant the strongest type of European 

civilization 10 

America first excited interest in England as the storehouse of 

Spanish treasure 12 

After the Cabot voyages England paid little attention to America 1 2 

Save for an occasional visit to the Newfoundland fisheries . 13 

Earliest English reference to America 14 

Founding of the Muscovy Company 14 

Richard Eden and his books 15 

John Hawkins and the African slave trade 1 7, 1 8 

Hawkins visits the French colony in Florida 19 

Facts which seem to show that thirst is the mother of invention 20 
Massacre of Huguenots in Florida ; escape of the painter Le 

Moine 21 

Hawkins goes on another voyage and takes with him young Fran- 
cis Drake 21, 22 




The affair of San Juan de Ulua and the journey of David Ingram 

Growing hostility to Spain in England 

Size and strength of Elizabeth*s England 

How the sea became England's field of war 

Loose ideas of international law .... 

Some bold advice to Queen Elizabeth 

The sea kings were not buccaneers 

Why Drake carried the war into the Pacific Ocean 

How Drake stood upon a peak in Darien 

Glorious voyage of the Golden Hind . 

Drake is knighted by the Queen .... 

The Golden Hind's cabin is made a banquet-room 

Voyage of the half-brothers, Gilbert and Raleigh . 

Gilbert is shipwrecked, and his patent is granted to Raleigh 

Raleigh's plan for founding a Protestant state in America may 
have been suggested to him by Coligny 

Elizabeth promises self-government to colonists in America 

Amidas and Barlow visit Pamlico Sound 

An Ollendorfian conversation between white men and red men . 

The Queen's suggestion that the new country be called in honour 
of herself Virginia 

Raleigh is knighted, and sends a second expedition under Ralph 
Lane 36, 37 

Who concludes that Chesapeake Bay would be better than Pam- 
lico Sound 37 

Lane and his party on the brink of starvation are rescued by Sir 
Francis Drake . 37 

Thomas Cavendish follows Drake's example and circumnavigates 




• 25 

. 26 

. 28 

• 30 




the earth 


How Drake singed the beard of Philip II 40 

Raleigh sends another party under John White .... 41 
The accident which turned White from Chesapeake Bay to Roan- 
oke Island 41 

Defeat of the Invincible Armada 43, 44 

The deathblow at Cadiz 45 

The myster)' about White's colony 45 

Significance of the defeat of the Armada 46 



Some peculiarities of sixteenth centur}- maps . 
How Richard Hakluyt's career was determined 



Strange adventures of a manuscript 50 

Hakluyt's reasons for wishing to see English colonies planted in 

America 50 

English trade with the Netherlands 51 

Hakluyt thinks that America will presently afford as good a mar- 
ket as the Netherlands 5I9 52 

Notion that England was getting to be over-peopled . . .52 

The change from tillage to pastiu-age 52 

What Sir Thomas More thought about it 52 

Growth of pauperism during the Tudor period .... 54 
Development of English commercial and naval marine . . .54 

Opposition to Hakluyt's schemes 54 

The Queen's penuriousness 55 

Beginnings of joint-stock companies 56 

Raleigh's difficulties 56, 58 

Christopher Newport captures the great Spanish carrack . . 58 
Raleigh visits Guiana and explores the Orinoco River . . .59 

Ambrosial nights at the Mermaid Tavern 60 

Accession of James 1 60 

Henry, Earl of Southampton, Shakespeare's friend, sends Bar- 
tholomew Gosnold on an expedition 60 

Gosnold reaches Buzzard's Bay in what he calls North Virginia, 

and is followed by Martin Pring and George Weymouth . 61 

Performance of "Eastward Ho," a comedy by Chapman and 

Marston 61 

Extracts from this comedy 62-64 

Report of the Spanish ambassador Zufiiga to Philip III. . .64 
First charter to the Virginia Company, 1606 . . . 64, 65 

" Supposed Sea of Verrazano " covering the larger part of the area 

now known as the United States 65 

Northern and southern limits of Virginia 65, 66 

The twin joint-stock companies and the three zones . . , (/^ 

The three zones in American history 67 

The kind of government designed for the two colonies . . 67, 68 
Som^ of the persons chiefly interested in the first colony known as 

the London Company 68, 69 

Some of the persons chiefly interested in the second colony known 

as the Plymouth Company 69-71 

Some other eminent persons who were interested in western plant- 
ing ; 72-74 

Expedition of the Plymouth Company and disastrous failure of 

the Popham Colony 74 

The London Company gets its expedition ready a little before 
Christmas and supplies it with a list of instructions . . 74, 75 


Where to choose a site for a town 75 

Precautions against a surprise by the Spaniards .... 76 

Colonists must try to find the Pacific Ocean 76 

And must not offend the natives or put much trust in them . 76 
The death and sickness of white men must be concealed from the 

Indians 77 

It will be well to beware of woodland coverts, avoid malaria, and 

guard against desertion 77 

The town should be carefully built with regular streets . . . 78 

Colonists must not send home any discouraging news . . 79 

What Spain thought about all this 79i 80 

Christopher Newport starts with a little fleet for Virginia . . 80 

A poet laureate's farewell blessing 80-82 



One of Newport's passengers was Captain John Smith, a young 

man whose career had been full of adventure . . . .83 
Many persons have expressed doubts as to Smith's veracity, but 

without good reason 84 

Early life of John Smith 84, 85 

His adventures on the Mediterranean 85 

And in Transylvania 86 

How he slew and beheaded three Turks 87, 88 

For which Prince Sigismund granted him a coat-of-arms which was 

duly entered in the Heralds' College 88 

The incident was first told not by Smith but by Sigismund's secre- 
tary, Farncse 89, 90 

Smith tells us much about himself, but is not a braggart . . 90 
How he was sold into slaverj- beyond the Sea of Azov and cruelly 

treated 90j9I 

How he slew his master and escaped through Russia and Po- 
land 91*92 

The smoke of controversy 92 

In the course of Newport's tedious voyage Smith is accused of 

plotting mutiny and kept in irons 93 

Arrival of the colonists in Chesapeake Bay, May 13, 1607 . . 93 
Founding of Jamestown; Wingfield chosen president . . .94 
Smith is set free and goes with Newport to explore the James 

River 04 

The Powhatan tribe, confederacy, and head war-chief . . 95 
How danger may lurk in long grass 96 


Smith is acquitted of all charges and takes his seat with the coun- 
cil 98 

Newport sails for England, June 22, 1607 98 

- George Percy's account of the sufferings of the colonists from fever 

and famine 99, 100 

Quarrels break out in which President Wingfield is deposed and 

John Ratcliffe chosen in his place loi 

Execution of a member of the council for mutiny . . .101 
Smith goes up the Chickahominy River and is captured by Opekan- 

kano 102 

Who takes him about the country and finally brings him to Wero- 

wocomoco, January, 1608 103 

The Indians are about to kill him, but he is rescued by the chiefs 

daughter, Pocahontas 104 

Recent attempts to discredit the story .... 104-109 

Flimsiness of these attempts 105 

George Percy's pamphlet 107 

The printed text of the " True Relation " is incomplete . ... 107 
Reason why the Pocahontas incident was omitted in the "True Re- 
lation " • . 108 

There is no incongruity between the ** True Relation " and the 

" General History " except this omission 108 

But this omission creates a gap in the '* True Relation," and the 
account in the " General History " is the more intrinsically prob- 
able 109 

The rescue was in strict accordance with Indian usage . . .110 
The ensuing ceremonies indicate that the rescue was an ordinary 

case of adoption 1 10, 1 1 1 

The Powhatan afterward proclaimed Smith a tribal chief . 113 
The rescue of Smith by Pocahontas was an event of real histori- 
cal importance 113 

Captain Newport returns with the First Supply, January 8, 1608 . 114 
Ratcliffe is deposed and Smith chosen president . . . 114 
Arrival of the Second Supply, September, 1608 . . .114 

Queer instructions brought by Captain Newport from the London 

Company 115 

How Smith and Captain Newport went up to Werowocomoco, and 

crowned The Powhatan 116 

How the Indian girls danced at Werowocomoco . . 116, 117 

Accuracy of Smith's descriptions 117 

How Newport tried in vain to search for a salt sea behind the Blue 

Ridge iiS 

Anas Todkill's complaint iiS 

Smith's map of Virginia 119 




How puns were made on Captain Newport's name . . .120 

Great importance of the Indian alliance 120 

Gentlemen as pioneers 122 

All is not gold that glitters 123 

Smithes attempts to make glass and soap 124 

The Company is disappointed at not making more money . . 124 
Tale-bearers and their complaints against Smith . . . .125 
Smith's ** Rude Answer" to the Company .... 125 

Says he cannot prevent quarrels 125,126 

And the Company's instructions have not been wise . . .126 
From infant industries too much must not be expected while the 

colonists are suffering for want of food 126 

And while peculation and intrigue are rife and we are in sore 

need of useful workmen 128 

Smith anticipates trouble from the Indians, whose character is 

well described by Hakluyt 128,130 

What Smith dreaded 130 

How the red men's views of the situation were changed . 130, 131 

Smith's voyage to Werowocomoco 131 

His parley with The Powhatan ^ .132 

A game of bluff 134 

The corn is brought 135 

Suspicions of treachery 135 

A wily orator 136 

Pocahontas reveals the plot 137 

Smith's message to The Powhatan 137 

How Smith visited the Pamunkey village and brought Opekan- 

kano to terms 138 

How Smith appeared to the Indians in the light of a worker of 

miracles 140 

What our chronicler calls "a pretty accident" . . . 140, 141 
How the first years of Old Virginia were an experiment in com- 
munism 141 

Smith declares *' He that will not work shall not eat," but the 
summer's work is interrupted by unbidden messmates in the 

shape of rats 141 

Arrival of young Samuel Argall with news from London . 142 

Second Charter of the London Company, 1609 . . .142 

The council in London 144 



The local government in Virginia is entirely changed and Thomas, 

Lord Delaware, is appointed governor for life . . 144, 145 
A new expedition is organized for Virginia, but still with a com- 
munistic programme 145, 146 

How the good ship Sea Venture was wrecked upon the Bermudas 146 
How this incident was used by Shakespeare in The Tempest . 148 
Gates and Somers build pinnaces and sail for Jamestown, May, 

1610 149 

The Third Supply had arrived in August, 1609 . .149 

And Smith had returned to England in October . .150 

Lord Delaware became alarmed and sailed for Virginia 150, 151 

Meanwhile the sufferings of the colony had been horrible . .151 
Of the 500 persons Gates and Somers found only 60 survivors, 

and it was decided that Virginia must be abandoned . 152 
Dismantling of Jamestown and departure of the colony . .152 
But the timely arrival of Lord Delaware in Hampton Roads pre- 
vented the dire disaster 152 



To the first English settlers in America a supply of Indian corn 
was of vital consequence, as illustrated at Jamestown and Plym- 
outh 154 

Alliance with the Powhatan confederacy was of the first impor- 
tance to the infant colony 1 54 

Smith was a natural leader of men 155 

With much nobility of nature 155 

And but for him the colony would probably have perished . . 156 
Characteristic features of Lord Delaware's administration -157 

Death of Somers and cruise of Argall in 1610 .158 

Kind of craftsmen desired for Virginia 159 

Sir Thomas Dale comes to govern Virginia in the capacity of 

High Marshal 159 

A Draconian code of laws 160 

Cruel punishments 161 

How communism worked in practice 161, 162 

How Dale abolished communism 163 

And founded the " City of Henricus " 162,163 

How Captain Argall seized Pocahontas 163 

Her marriage with John Rolfe 164 

How Captain Argall extinguished the Jesuit settlement at Mount 
Desert and burned Port Royal 164, 165 


But left the Dutch at New Amsterdam with a warnmg . . .165 
How Pocahontas, "La Belle Sauvage," visited London and was 

entertained there like a princess 165, 166 

Her last interview with Captain Smith 166 

Her sudden death at Gravesend 167 

How Tomocomo tried to take a census of the English . . .167 
How the English in Virginia began to cultivate tobacco in spite of 

King James and his Coimterblast 168 

Dialogue between Silenus and Kawasha 168, 169 

Effects of tobacco culture upon the young colony . . .169 

The London Company's Third Charter, 161 2 170 

How money was raised by lotteries 171 

How this new remodelling of the Company made it an important 

force in politics 1 72 

Middleton's speech in opposition to the charter . . . 172,173 
Richard Martin in the course of a brilliant speech forgets himself 

and has to apologize 173, 174 

How factions began to be developed within the London Company 174 

Sudden death of Lord Delaware 175 

Quarrel between Lord Rich and Sir Thomas Smith, resulting in 

the election of Sir Edwin Sandys as treasurer of the Company . 176 
Sir George Yeardley is appointed governor of Virginia, while Ar- 

gall is knighted 177 

How Sir Edwin Sandys introduced into Virginia the first Ameri- 
can legislature, 1619 177, 178 

How this legislative assembly, like those afterwards constituted in 

America, was formed after the type of the old English county 

court 178,179 

How negro slaves were first introduced into Virginia, 1619 . .179 
How cargoes of spinsters were sent out by the Company in quest 

of husbands 1 79 

The great Indian massacre of 1622 180 



Summary review of the founding of Virginia .... 182-184 

Bitter hostility of Spain to the enterprise 184 

Gondomar and the Spanish match 186 

Gondomar's advice to the king 186, 188 

How Sir Walter Raleigh was kept twelve years in prison . . 188 
But was then released and sent on an expedition to Guiana 188, 189 
The king's base treachery 190 


Judicial murder of Raleigh 191 

How the king attempted to interfere with the Company's election 

of treasurer in 1620 192 

How the king's emissaries listened to the reading of the charter 192 
Withdrawal of Sandys and election of Southampton . . • ISH 
Life and character of Nicholas Ferrar .... 194-196 

His monastic home at Little Gidding 196 

How disputes rose high in the Company's quarter sessions . 197 
How the House of Commons rebuked the king . . . .198 
How Nathaniel Butler was accused of robbery and screened him- 
self by writing a pamphlet abusing the Company . . '199 
Some of his charges and how they were answered by Virginia set- 
tlers 199-201 

As to malaria 199 

As to wetting one's feet 200 

As to dying under hedges 200 

As to the houses and their situations 201 

Object of the charges 201, 202 

Virginia assembly denies the allegations 202 

The Lord Treasurer demands that Ferrar shall answer the charges 203 

A cogent answer is returned 203, 204 

Vain attempts to corrupt Ferrar 204 

How the wolf was set to investigate the dogs 205 

The Virginia assembly makes " A Tragical Declaration " . 205 

On the attorney-general's advice a quo warranto is served . . 206 
How the Company appealed to Parliament, and the king refused to 

allow the appeal 206 

The attorney-general's irresistible logic 207 

Lord Strafford's glee 207 

How Nicholas Ferrar had the records copied .... 208 
The history of a manuscript 209, 210 



A retrospect 211 

Tidewater Virginia 211 

A receding frontier 212 

The plantations 212, 213 

Boroughs and burgesses 214 

Boroughs and hundreds 216 

Houses, slaves, indentured servants, and Indians . . . .217 
Virginia agriculture in the time of Charles 1 218 



Increasing cultivation of tobacco 218, 219 

Literature; how George Sandys entreated the Muses with suc- 
cess 220, 221 

Provisions for higher education 222 

Project for a university in the city of Henricus cut short by the 

Indian massacre 222 

Puritans and liberal churchmen 223 

How the Company of Massachusetts Bay learned a lesson from 
the fate of its predecessor, the London Company for Virginia 224 

Death of James I. . . .- 225 

Effect upon Virginia of the downfall of the Company . 226-228 

The virus of liberty 228 

How Charles I. came to recognize the assembly of Virginia . 230 
Some account of the first American legislature . . .231, 232 
How Edward Sharpless had part of one ear cut off . . . 233 

The case of Captain John Martin 233 

How the assembly provided for the education of Indians . 233, 234 

And for the punishment of drunkards 234 

And against extravagance in dress 234 

How flirting was threatened with the whipping-post . . .234 
And scandalous gossip with the pillory .... 234, 235 

How the minister's salary was assured him 235 

How he was warned against too much drinking and card-playing 235 

Penalties for Sabbath-breaking 235 

Inn-keepers forbidden to adulterate liquors or to charge too much 

per gallon or glass 236 

A statute against forestalling 236 

How Charles I. called the new colony '* Our kingdom of Virginia" 238 
How the convivial governor Dr. Pott was tried for stealing cattle, 

but pardoned for the sake of his medical ser\ices . . .239 
Growth of Virginia from 1624 to 1642 240 



The Irish village of Baltimore 242 

Early career of George Calvert, first Lord Baltimore . . 242, 243 
How James I. granted him a palatinate in Newfoundland . . 243 

Origin of palatinates 243, 244 

Changes in English palatinates 244 

The bishopric of Durham 246, 247 

Durham and Avalon 247 

How Lord Baltimore fared in his colony of Avalon in Newfoundland 248 


His letter to the king 249 

How he visited Virginia, but was not cordially received . . 250, 251 
How a part of Virginia was granted to him and received the name 

of Maryland 251, 252 

Fate of the Avalon charter 252 

Character of the first Lord Baltimore 253 

Early career of Cecilius Calvert, second Lord Baltimore . . 254 
How the founding of Maryland introduced into America a new 

type of colonial government 255 

Ecclesiastical powers of the Lord Proprietor 256 

Religious toleration in Maryland 257 

The first settlement at St. Mary's 258 

Relations with the Indians 260 

Prosperity of the settlement 260 

Comparison of the palatinate government of Maryland with that 

of the bishopric of Durham 261-268 

The constitution of Durham ; the receiver-general . .261 

Lord lieutenant and high sheriff 262 

Chancellor of temporalities 262 

The ancient halmote and the seneschal ..... 262 

The bishop's council 263 

Durham not represented in the House of Commons until after 1660 264 

Limitations upon Durham autonomy 264 

The palatinate type in America 264 

Similarities between Durham and Maryland ; the governor . 265 

Secretary ; surveyor-general ; muster master-general ; sheriffs . 266 

The courts 266 

The primary assembly 267 

Question as to the initiative in legislation 267 

The representative assembly 268 

Lord Baltimore's power more absolute than that of any king of 

England save perhaps Henry VIII 268 



William Claiborne and his projects 269 

Kent Island occupied by Claiborne 270, 271 

Conflicting grants 271 

Star Chamber decision and Claiborne's resistance . . . 272 

Lord Baltimore's instructions 274 

The Virginia council supports Claiborne 274 

Complications with the Indians 275 


Reprisals and skirmishes 275, 276 

Affairs in Virginia ; complaints against Governor Harvey . . 276 

Rage of Virginia against Maryland 277 

How Rev. Anthony Panton called Mr. Secretary Kemp a jack- 
anapes 277 

Indignation meeting at the house of William Warren . . . 278 

Arrest of the principal speakers 278 

Scene in the council room 278, 279 

How Sir John Harvey was thrust out of the government . . 279 
How King Charles sent him back to Virginia .... 280 

Downfall of Harvey 280 

George Evelin sent to Kent Island 281 

Kent Island seized by Leonard Calvert 281 

The Lords of Trade decide against Claiborne .... 282 

Puritans in Virginia 282, 283 

The Act of Uniformity of 1631 284 

Puritan ministers sent from New England to Virginia . . 284 

The new Act of Uniformity, 1643 284 

Expulsion of the New England ministers 285 

Indian massacre of 1644 285 

Conflicting views of theodicy 286 

Invasion of Maryland by Claiborne and Ingle . . . 286, 287 
Expulsion of Claiborne and Ingle from Maryland . . 288 

Lord Baltimore appoints William Stone as governor . . . 288 

Toleration Act of 1649 288-290 

Migration of Puritans from Virginia to Maryland . . . 290, 291 

Designs of the Puritans 292 

Reluctant submission of Virginia to Cromwell .... 293 
Claiborne and Bennett undertake to settle the affairs of Maryland 294 

Renewal of the troubles 294, 295 

The Puritan Assembly and its notion of a toleration act . . 295 
Civil war in Mar}'land; battle of the Severn, 1655 .... 295 
Lord Baltimore is sustained by Cromwell and peace reigns once 
more 296 



Sir Walter Raleigh {photogravure) .... Frontispiece 

From the NcUional Portrait Gallery ^ after an original painting by Zuc- 
caro. Autograph from Winsor*s America, 

Abbi£ Raynal 2 

After the frontispiece to his Histaire philosophique^ etc. Geneve, 17801 

Facsimile title of Raynal's book 3 

Facsimile title of the Abb£ Genty's book 5 

Philip II 8 

From the painting by Titian, in the Prado at Madrid. Autograph from 
the Dreer collection in the rooms of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. 

William the Silent 9 

From the frontispiece to Motley's Rise of the Dutch Republic^ vol I, 
after an engraving (cir. 1650) by Cornells Vlsscher. 

Pedro Calderon de la Barca 11 

From the frontispiece to his ComediaSy Leipsique, 1828, tomo i. Auto- 
graph from Manoscritos espaholes. 

Sebastian Cabot 13 

After the portrait by Chapman in the gallery of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society. This portrait is a copy of an original painted, perhaps for 
Edward VI., after Cabot's return to the English service. The artist is tra- 
ditionally supposed to have been Holbein, but this is doubtful. The pic- 
ture hung for many years at Whitehall, whence it disappeared, — probably 
at the sales which took place after the death of Charles I. See Biddle's 
Memoir of Sebastian Cabot ^ Philadelphia, 1831, pp. 317-320. It was after- 
ward bought (it is said for £500) by Richard Biddlc, who brought it home 
and hung it in his house at Pittsburgh, Pa. In 1845 the house and all its 
contents were unfortunately destroyed by fire. Two admirable copies of the 
picture, however, had been made, of which Chapman's is one ; the other is 
in the possession of the New York Historical Society, The autograph is 
from Harrisse, John Cabot and Sebastian his Son. 

Edward VI 15 

From Holland's Her^^ologia^ London, 1620. Autograph from Winsor's 


Facsimile title of Eden's Newe India i6 

From Winsor's America. 

Sir John Hawkins 17 

From Hermologia ; autograph from Winsor's America. 

Hawkins's arms 18 

From Hawkinses Voyages^ edited by Sir Clements Markham for the 
Hakluyt Society, 1878. 


From an engraving by Chr6tien, in La Galerie Fran^aise^ tome i., after 
an original painted in 1571. Autograph from Marcks's Gaspard von Co- 
ligny: sein Leben und das Frankreich seiner Zeit^ Stuttgart, 1892. 

LE M0INE*S sketch of the BUILDING OF FORT CAROLINE . . 21 
From Lc Moinc's Brevis Narratio^ published by De Bry in 1591, in the 
second part of his Grands voyages. De Bry bought the MS. and draw- 
ings from Le Moine's widow in 1588. 

Sir Martin Frobishek 23 

From Herw)logta ; autograph from Winsor's America. 

Spanish ships in port 27 

From the " Pagus Hispaniorum " in Montanus's Nieuwe Weereld. 
Sir Francis Drake {photogravure) ff^cing 28 

From an original painting attributed to Sir Anthonis Mor, in the pos- 
session (1868) of Viscount Dillon, at Ditchley Park. Autograph from 
Winsor's America. 

Chair made from timber of the Golden Hind .... 29 

From the Western Antiquary^ iii. 136. 

Part of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Map 31 

From his Discourse of a Discoverte for a Nnv Passage to Cataia^ 1576, 
in Lenox Library. 

Sir Humphrey Gilbert 33 

From Herw>logia ; autograph from Winsor's America. 

Sir Philip Sidney 35 

From HertAologia ; autograph from Autographs of Remarkable Person- 
ages conspicuous in English History. London, 1829. 

Sir Richard Grenville 36 

From Hertaologia. 

View of Cartagena 37 

From Montanus's Nieuwe Weereld. 

Thomas Cavendish 38 

From Herutologia : autograph from Autographs of Remarkable Person- 
ages, etc. 


Spanish Galleon 39 

From La Gravifere, Lts marins du XV^ et du XVh sihle. 

John White's Map of Florida and Virginia, 1585 ... 40 

From Winsor's Americay iv. 45. The original is among the De Dry en- 
gravings whidi Henry Stevens secured for the British Museum in 1865. 
See his Biblioiheca Historical 1870. 

William Cecil, Lord Burghley 42 

From Hen»clogia. Autograph from the MS. collection of the late Mellen 

Sir Francis Walsingham 43 

After Richard Cooper's engraving of the original painting by Federigo 
Zuccaro. Autograph from Autographs of Remarkable Personages^ etc. 

The Armada 44 

After the famous engraving by John Pine, 1738. 

Autograph of Richard Hakluyt 48 

From Brown's Genesis of the United States. 

Facsimile title of Hakluyt*s Divers Voyages .... 49 

From the original in Lenox Library. 

Queen Elizabeth {photogravure) facing 54 

From a 1632 reprint of the original engraving by the younger Hendrik de 
Hondt, by kind permission of the Virginia Historical Society. 

Facsimile title of Raleigh's book on Guiana 57 

From the original in Lenox Library. 

James 1 59 

After the portrait by Paul Vansomer. Autograph from Winsor's Amer- 

Autograph of George Weymouth 61 

From Winsor's America. 

Michael Lok's Map, 1582 65 

From Hakluyt's Voyages to America. 

Sir Thomas Smith {photogravure) facing 68 

From Brown's Genesis^ etc. Autograph from the same. 

George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury 70 

From the engraving in Lodge's Portraits. 

Sir Julius CiESAR 7' 

From the engraving in his biography by Edmund Lodge, London, 1827. 
Autograph from Winsor's America. 

Sir Henry Gary 72 

After the original painting by Paul Vansomer, formerly at Strawberry 


Philip IIL of Spain yS 

From Brown's Genesis^ etc, after an engraving by Ogbome from the 
original painting by Boizet. Autpgraph from Manoscritos espahoUs, 

Michael Drayton 79 

From the engraving by William Hole published as frontispiece to Dray- 
ton's works in 1619. Autograph from Elton's Introduction to Michael 
Drayton^ printed for the Spenser Society, Manchester, 1895. 

John Smith's three single combats with Turks . 86, 87, 89 

From the plate in Arbor's Works of Captain John Smith, Birmingham, 
1884, p. 820, after a very rare old print in the library of the University of 

John Smith (photogravure) facing 92 

From the margin of his map in his Generall Historic of Virginia, Lon- 
don, 1624. The portrait was originally engraved by Simon van Pass in 
1616. The autograph is from a MS. letter of Smith's to Lord Bacon (1618), 
preserved in the Public Record Office, in London. 

The Indian village of Pomeiock 95 

From Lewis Morgan's Houses and House-Life of the American Abori- 
gines, Washington, 1881. 

The Indian village of Secotan 97 

From the same. 

George Percy 99 

From Brown's Genesis, etc., after an engraving of a portrait in the pos- 
session of the Virginia Historical Society. Autograph from Winsor's Amer- 

Anne of Denmark, Queen of James 1 105 

From an engraving in National Portrait Gallery, after the original 
painting by Paul Vansomcr. Autograph from Autographs of Remarkable 
Personages, etc. 

Rescue of Smith by Pocahontas 106 

After an engraving in Smith's Generall Historic of Virginia, etc., Lon- 
don, 1624. 

Facsimile title of Smith's True Relation iii 

From the original in Lenox Library. 

Smith before the Powhatan 112 

After an engraving in Smith's Generall Historic, etc. 

Facsimile title of Smith's Generall Historie . . . .115 

From Arber's reprint. 

Smith's Map of Virginia 118 

After the engraving in The True Travels, Adventures, and Observa- 
tions of Captain John Smith, Richmond, 1819. 

Autograph of John Ratcliffe 119 

From Brown's Genesis^ etc. 

St. Christopher crossing the ocean 121 

After the vignette on the La Cosa map, 1500. 

Facsimile of letter from Sir Edwin Sandys to Sir 
George Yeardley 127 

From the original, among the manuscript collections of John Smyth, of 
Nibley in Gloucestershire (1613-1674), presented to the New York Public 
Library by Alexander Maitland. 

Facsimile title of His Maiesties Gracious Letter, etc. . 133 

From the original in Lenox Library. 

Facsimile of a Receipt signed by Nicholas Ferrar . .139 

From the " Smyth of Nibley Papers " in New York Public Library. 

Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury 143 

From Hermologia, 

Autograph of Sir Thomas Gates 146 

From Winsor's Amtrica. 

Sir George Somers 147 

From an engravii^ after the original portrait by Paul Vansomer. 

Autograph of William Strachey 149 

From Winsor's America. 

A Somers or Bermuda coin 150 

From Dickeson's American Numismatic Manual, Philadelphia, i860. 

Thomas West, Baron Delaware {photogravure) . . facing 152 
From a portrait in the State Library at Richmond, Virginia. Autograph 
from Winsor's America. 

Autograph of Samuel Argall 158 

From Brown's Genesis^ etc. 

Autograph of Henry Spelman 164 

From the same. 

Marriage of Pocahontas 164 

From McRae's engraving of the painting by Henry Brueckner. 

Pocahontas {photogravure) f^^^^g 166 

Afto* the original painting from which Simon van Pass made his engrav- 
ing. The artist is said to have been an Italian, but I have not been able to 
ascertain his name. The portrait is in the possession of the Edwin family 
(related to the Rolfes) at Boston Hall, Norfolk. 

Specimen of a Lottery Declaration 171 

From Brown's Genesis^ etc. 


Richard Martin 173 

After the engraved portrait by Simon van Pass. » 

Robert Rich, Earl of Warwick 175 

From an engraving by Robinson, about 1827, after the original portrait 
by Vandyke, in the possession of the Earl of Hardwicke. 

Autograph of Sir George Yeardley 177 

From his signature to a letter of January 10, 1620, to John Smyth ; in the 
" Smyth of Nibley Papers " in New York Public Library. 

Henry Stuart, Prince of Wales 185 

From Herv^logia. Autograph from Autographs of Remarkable Person- 
ages^ etc. 

Charles Stuart, " Baby Charles,'' afterward Charles I. 187 

From an engraving by Richard Cooper, after an old print by Delaram. 
Autograph from Handwriting of Kings and Queens of England. 

Count Gondomar 189 

From Damman's engraving of the original portrait by My tens in the pal- 
ace at Hampton Court. 

Tomb of Queen Elizabeth 193 

From Herw)logia, 

Nicholas Ferrar 195 

From Brown's Genesis^ etc., after Tomkins's engraving (1791) of the ori- 
ginal painting by Johnson. For his autograph see page 139. 

Sir Edwin Sandys {photogravure) facing 196 

From Brown's First Republic in America^ after Powle's engraving of the 
anonymous portrait preserved at Hanlcy in Staffordshire. 

Autograph of Lord Bacon 198 

From Winsor's America. 

Lionel Cranfield, Earl of Middlesex 203 

From Finden's engraving (1830) of the original portrait by Mytens, in 
the possession of the Duke of Dorset. Autograph from Autographs of 
Remarkable Personages^ etc. 

Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton {photograv- 
ure) faciftg 206 

From an engraving by Freeman, after an original painting by Michel 
Tanoz van Micrevcldt, in the possession of tlie Duke of Bedford. Auto- 
graph from Boston Public Library. 

Sir John Danvers 208 

From an old engraving reproduced in Brown's Genesis, etc. Autograph 
from Thane's British Autography. 

Seal of the Virginia Company 209 

From Winsor's America, 


Map of Tidewater Virginia 210 

From a sketch by the author. 

Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia 213 

After the painting by Michel Tanoz van Miereveldt. Autograph from 
Autographs of Remarkable PersonageSy etc. 

Facsimile title of H amor's True Discourse 215 

From the original in Lenox Library. 

Facsimile Title of Whitaker's Good Newes 219 

From the original in Lenox Library. 

George Sandys 221 

From Brown's Genesis^ reproducing an engraving by Raddon, after a 
drawing made by Clint from an old painting. 

Four Court of Mount Airy, Virginia 223 

From a photograph, by permission of Bates and Guild Company, Boston. 

Charles 1 227 

From a painting by Vandyke in Windsor Castle. 

Part of De Laet's Map, 1630 229 

From Winsor's America. 

Ruins of Brick Church built at Jamestown in 1639 • -231 

From Winsor's America, after a sketch made in 1857 by Miss Catherine 
Hoplcy, an English lady travelling in Virginia. 

Facsimile of Spenser\s Dedication of the 1596 edition 

OF The FaEry Queene 237 

From the original in the library of Harvard University. 

Map of Southern Coast of Ireland, showing the situ- 
ation OF Baltimore 242 

From a sketch by the author. 

Durham Cathedral, exterior view 246 

From a photograph. 

Durham Cathedral, interior of the nave 247 

From a photograph. 

Lord Baltlmorf/s House in Ferryland 249 

From Fitzhugh*s map of Newfoundland, 1693 ; British Museum MS. re- 
produced in Prowse's History of Newfoundland. By kind permission of 
Messrs. Macmillan and Co. 

Henriette ALvrie, Queen of Charles 1 253 

After an original painting by Vandyke in the Dresden Gallery. Auto- 
graph from Autographs of Remarkable Personages, etc. 


George Calvert, First Lord Baltimore {photogravure) facing 254 

After the painting in the State House at Annapolis, presented by the late 
J. W. Garrett, who had it copied from the original portrait in the possession 
of the Earl of Verulam. Autograph from Winsor's America, 

The Baltimore Arms 257 

From Winsor's America. 

Map of Maryland in 1635 259 

From the same. 

Lord Baltimore sixpence and penny 263 

From Dickeson's American Numismatic Manual. 

Map OF THE Maryland Palatinate 264 

From a sketch by the author. 

William Claiborne 269 

From Longacre's National Portrait Gallery. 

Sir William Alexander 270 

After an engraving by Rich&.dson, 1795, ^"^^^ the original engraving by 
Marshall, 1635. Autograph from Memorials of the Earls of Stirling, 
Edinburgh, 1877. 

Facsimile title of Hammond's Leah and Rachel . . .273 

From the original in the John Carter Brown Library, at Providence, R. L 

Cecilius Calvert, Second Lord Baltimore {photograv- 
ure) facing 2y6 

After a painting in the possession of the Maryland Historical Society. 
Autograph from the Society. 

The Baptism of Pocahontas 283 

From Chapman's painting in the rotunda of the Capitol at Washington. 
The Oldest Communion Vessels in Virginia 284 

From a photograph kindly furnished by Rev. C. Braxton Bryan, Rector 
of St. John's. The silver chalice and paten were part of a gift by a vridow 
lady, Mrs. Mary Robinson, of London, to a church endowed by her in 
Smith's Hundred. Some time after that parish was destroyed in the Indian 
massacre of 1622, the paten and chalice were transferred to St. John's. 

The Prayer Book in the picture, says Mr. Br>'an, " a folio edition of 1739, 
is opened at the Third Sunday after Trinity, because on that Sunday, June 
21, 1607, the Holy Communion was celebrated for the first time" in English 
America, at Jamestown, by Rev. Robert Hunt. 

Autograph of Daniel Gookin 285 

From the Memorial History of Boston. 
Anne Arundel, Lady Baltimore {photogravure) . . facing 286 
Photographed from the original painting by Vandyke in Wardour Castle, 
by kind permission of Lord Arundel of Wardour. Autograph from the 
Maryland Historical Society. 


Original Contemporary Edition of the Toleration Act . 288 

Secretary Philip Calvert's indorsement of Lord Bal- 
timore's APPROVAL of the TOLERATION ACT . . . . 29I 
From Win8or*s Atturica. 

Engush Man-of-War of the Commonwealth period . . 293 

From Dudley's Arcano del Mare^ 1646. 

Autograph of William Stone 295 

From Winsor's America. 

Autograph of Josias Fendall 296 

From the same. 



When one thinks of the resounding chorus of gratulations 
with which the four hundredth anniversary of the Discovery 
of America was lately heralded to a listening world, it is 
curious and instructive to notice the sort of comment which 
that great event called forth upon the occasion of its third 
centenary, while the independence of the United States was 
as yet a novel and ill-appreciated fact. In America very 
little fuss was made. Railroads were as yet unknown, and 
the era of world's fairs had not begun. Of local celebra- 
tions there were two ; one held in Xew York, the other in. 
Boston ; and as in 1 892, so in 1 702, New York f ol- ,^ 
lowed the Old Style date, the twelfth of October, nary (U the 
while Boston undertook to correct the date for o/Am^-^ 
New Style. This work was discreditably bungled, *^^' ''^^ 
however, and the twenty-third of October was selected in- 
stead of the true date, the twenty-first. In New York the 
affair was conducted by the newly founded political society 
named for the Delaware chieftain Tammany, in Boston by 
the Massachusetts Historical Society, whose founder. Dr. 
Jeremy Iklknap, delivered a thoughtful and scholarly address 
upon the occasion. Both commemorations of the day were 
very quiet and modest.^ 

In Europe little heed was paid to America and its di.s- 
covery, except in France, which, after taking part in our 
> E. E. Hale, in Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc. N. S. viii. 190-212. 


kevolutionar)' War, was at length embarking upon its own 
Revolution, so different in its character and fortunes. With- 
out knowing much about America, the Frenchmen of that 
day were fond of using it to point a moral and adorn a tale. 
Abbe In 1770 the famous Abb6 Raynal had published 

^'"^ his " Philosophical and Political History of the 
Establishments and Commerce of the Europeans in the 
Two Indies/' a book in ten volumes, which for a time en- 
joyed immense popularity. Probably not less than one third 
of it was written by Diderot, and more than a dozen other 
writers contributed to its pages, while the abb^, in editing 
these various chapters and adding more from his own hand, 
showed himself blissfully ignorant of the need for any such 

thing as critical judg- 
ment in writing histor)'. 
In an indescribably airy 
and superficial manner 
the narrative flits over 
the whole \*ast field of 
the intercourse of Euro- 
peans with the outlying 
parts of the earth dis- 
covered since the days 
of Columbus and Gama ; 
and at length, in the last 
chapter of the last vol- 
ume, we are confronted 
with the question, WTiat 
is all this worth ? Our 


author answers confi- 
dently, Nothing I worse than nothing ! the world would have 
been much better off if America had never been discovered 
and the ocean route to Asia had remained unknown ! 

This opinion seems to have been a favourite hobby with 
the worthy Raynal : for in 1787, in view of the approaching 
tercentenary', we find him proposing to the Academy of 
Lyons the offer of a prize of fifty louis for the best essay 









Chez Jean-Leokaro PELLET, Impruneurd*! 

la Villc Sc de rAcademie. 




upon the question whether the discovery of America had 
w« the hecn a blessing or a curse to mankind. It was 
5^'^Sca furthermore suggested that the essay should discuss 
abie^stn^ the most practicable methods of increasing the 
Z^^ benefits and diminishing the ills that had flowed 
'"'*'*'■ and continued to flow from that memorable event. 

The announcement of the question aroused considerable inter- 
est, and a few essays were \%Titten, but the prize seems never 
to have been awarded. One of these essays was by the 
Marquis dc Chastellux, who had ser\'ed in America as major- 
general in the army of Count Rochambeau. The accom- 
plished author maintains, chiefly on economic grounds, that 
the discovery has been beneficial to mankind ; in one place, 
mindful of the triumph of the American cause in the grand 
march upon Yorktown wherein he had himself taken part, 
he exclaims, " O land of Washington and Franklin, of Han- 
cock and Adams, who could ever wish riiee non-existent for 
them and for us ? " To this Baron Grimm ^ replied, " Per- 
haps he will wish it who reflects that the independence of the 
United States has cost France nearly two thousand million 
francs, and is hastening in Europe a revolutionary outbreak 
which had better be postponed or averted.** To most of 
these philosophers no doubt Chastellux seemed far too much 
Abw ^^ ^^ optimist, and the writer who best expressed 

Gent) their sentiments was the Abbe Genty, who pub- 

lished at Orleans, in 1787, an elaborate essay, in two tiny 
volumes, entitled " The Influence of the Discovery of Amer- 
ica upon the Happiness of the Human Race." Genty has 
no difficulty in reaching the conclusion that the influence has 
been chiefly for the bad. Think what a slaughter there had 
been of innocent and high-minded red men by brutal and 
ruthless whites ! for the real horrors described by Las Casas 
were viewed a century ago in the light of Rousseau's droll 
notions as to the exalted virtues of the noble savage. Think, 
too, bow most of the great European wars since the Peace 
of Westplialia had grown out of quarrels about colonial em- 
^ Grimm et Diderot, Corrcspondance littih'aire^ torn. xv. p. yi^. 


pire ! Clearly Columbus had come with a sword, not with an 
olive branch, and had but opened a new chapter in the long 
Iliad of human woe. Against such undeniable evils, what 
benefits could be alleged except the extension of commerce, 
and that, says Genty, means merely the multiplication of 

human wants, which 






is not in itself a thing 
to be desired.^ One 
unqualified benefit, 
however, Genty and 
all the other writers 
freely admit ; the in- 
troduction of quinine 
into Europe 


and Its use in 
averting fevers. That 
item of therapeutics 
is the one cheery note 
in the mournful chorus 
of disparagement, so 
long as our attention 
is confined to the past. 
In the future, perhaps, 
better things might 
be hoped for. Along 
the Atlantic coast of 
North America a nar- 
row fringe of English- 
speaking colonies had 
lately established their 
political independence 
and succeeded in set- 
ting on foot a federal 

government under the presidency of George Washington. 

The success of this enterprise might put a new face upon 

* Genty, V influence de la dccouvertc de rAmerique, etc. 2^ ^d., 
Orldans, 1789, torn. ii. pp. 148-150. 

PauM, VAn/GENTT, Cet^nr Royal, Cemfponiant 
dt I'Aeadimie RoyaU dts Scunets d» Paris C dt eelle 
d* Toulou/t, Seer^tairt perp^tuel de ta SocUi^ RoyaU 
d'Agrutdain d'OrUans , Profrgtur Em/rit* d* Phihf<y 
ph»t ott ColUge Royal d* U minu yaU & Sterduiira 
PntiMCial de VOrUanoU. 

Rewi , eorrig/e & augmeut/e par I'Auteur, 

Scevior arm:* 
Luxurta incubuit, viduroque ulcifcitut orbem. 
Jur. Lib. 11, Sat. 6. 

Tomb Frbmiba. 


De I'lmptimerie de Jacob I'Atnd, roe Saint-Sauyear. 

Avec Approbation & TwUigt du Jtoi, 



things and ultimately show that after all the discovery of the 
New World was a blessing to mankind.^ So says the Abb6 
Genty in his curious little book, which even to-day is well 
worth reading. 

If now, after the lapse of another century, we pause to ask 
the question why the world was so much more interested in 
the western hemisphere in 1892 than in 1792, we may fairly 
say that it is because of the constructive work, political and 
social, that has been done here in the inter\*al by men who 
speak English. Surely, if there were nothing to show but 
Spanish the sort of work in colonization and nation-making 
Ei^iisii ^^^^ characterized Spanish America under its Old 
America Regime, there would be small reason for celebrating 
the completion of another century of such performance. Dur- 
ing the present century, indeed, various parts of Spanish 
America have begun to take on a fresh political and social 
life, so that in the future much maybe hoped for them. But 
the ideas and methods which have guided this revival have 
been largely the ideas and methods of English-speaking peo- 
ple, however imperfectly conceived and reproduced. The 
whole story of this western hemisphere since Genty wrote 
gives added i)oint to his opinion that its value to mankind 
would be determined chiefly by what the people of the 
United States were likely to do. 

The smile with which one regards the world-historic impor- 
tance accorded to the discovery of quinine is an index of the 
feeling that there are broad ways and narrow ways of dealing 
with such questions. To one looking through a glass of 
small calibre a great historical problem may resolve itself 
into a question of food and drugs. Your anti-tobacco fanatic 
might contend that civilized men would have been much 
better off had they never become acquainted with the Indian 
weed. An economist might more reasonably point to pota- 
toes and maize — to say nothing of many other products 
peculiar to the New World — as an acquisition of which the 
value can hardly be overestimated. To reckon the impor- 
^ Linjlucnce tie la dccouvcrte rAmh'iqut\ etc. p. 192 ff. 


tance of a new piece of territory from a survey of its mate- 
rial productions is of course the first and most natural 
method. The Spanish conquerors valued America precious 
for its supply of precious metals and set little store ^^^^* 
by other things in comparison. But for the discovery of 
gold mines in 1496 the Spanish colony founded by Columbus 
in Hispaniola would probably have been abandoned. That 
was but the first step in the finding of gold and silver in enor- 
mous quantities, and thenceforth for a long time the Spanish 
crown regarded its transatlantic territories as an inexhaust- 
ible mine of wealth. But the value of money to mankind 
depends upon the uses to which it is put ; and here it is 
worth our while to notice the chief use to which Spain 
applied her American treasure during the sixteenth century. 

The relief of the church from threatening dangers was in 
those days the noblest and most sacred function of wealth. 
When Columbus aimed his prow westward from Aims of 
the Canaries, in quest of the treasures of Asia, its Coiumbus 
precious stones, its silk-stuffs, its rich shawls' and rugs, its 
corals and dye-woods, its aromatic spices, he expected to 
acquire vast wealth for the sovereigns who employed him 
and no mean fortune for himself. In all negotiations he in- 
sisted upon a good round percentage, and could no more be 
induced to budge from his price than the old Roman Sibyl 
with her books. Of petty self-seeking and avarice there was 
probably no more in this than in commercial transactions 
generally. The wealth thus sought by Columbus was not so 
much an end as a means. His spirit was that of a Crusader, 
and his aim was not to discover a New World (an idea 
which seems never once to have entered his head), but to 
acquire the means for driving the Turk from luirope and 
setting free the Holy Sepulchre. Had he been told upon 
his melancholy deathbed that instead of finding a quick 
route to Cathay he had only discovered a New World, it 
would probably have added fresh bitterness to death. 

But if this lofty and ill-understood enthusiast failed in his 
search for the treasures of Cathay, it was at all events not 


lofij^ Ix^fore Cortes and Pizarro succeeded in finding the trea- 
sures of Mexico and Peru, and the crusading scheme of 
Columbus descended as a kind of legacy to the successors 
of I-'erdinand and Isabella, the magnanimous but sometimes 
misguided Charles, the sombre and terrible Philip. It re- 
mained a crusading scheme, but, no longer patterned after 
that of Godfrey and Tancred, it imitated the mad folly which 
had once extinguished in southern Gaul the most promising 
civilization of its age. Instead of a Spanish crusade which 

niijrht have ox|H'lleil tho most worthless and dangerous of troni eastern Iuiro]K\ it became a Spanish crusade 
aj;ainst e\erythini; in the sha]>e of ]>olitical and religious 
freedom, whether at home i^r abroad. The year in which 


Spanish eyes first beheld the carved serpents on Central 
American temples was the year in which Martin Spain and 
Luther nailed his defiance to the church door at Jesti^T 
Wittenberg. From the outworn crust of mediae- ^^^^^^ 
valism the modern spirit of individual freedom and individual 
responsibility was emer- 
jing, and for ninety 
ITS all Europe was 
with the convul- 
^8 that ensued. In 
doubtful struggle 
jpain engaged herself 
y'Turther and further, un- 
til by 1570 she had be- 
gun to sacrifice to it all 
her energies. WTience 
did Philip II. get the 
sinews of war with 
which he supported 
Alva and Famese, and 
built the Armada called 
Invincible ? Largely 

from America, partly also from the East Indies, since Por- 
tugal and her colonies were seized by Philip in 1580. Thus 
were the first-fruits of the heroic age of discovery, both to 
east and to west of Borgia's meridian, devoted to the service 
of the church with a vengeance, as one might say, a lurid 
vengeance withal and ruthless. By the year 1609, when 
Spain sullenly retired, baflfled and browbeaten, from the Dutch 
Netherlands, she had taken from America more gold and 
silver than would to-day be represented by five thousand mil- 
lion dollars, and most of this huge treasure she had employed 
in maintaining the gibbet for political reformers and the stake 
for heretics. In view of this gruesome fact, Mr. Charles 
Francis Adams has lately asked the question whether the 
discovery of America was not, after all, for at least a cen- 
tury, fraught with more evil than benefit to mankind. One 



certainly cannot help wondering what might have been the 
immediate result had such an immense revenue been at the 
disposal of William and Elizabeth rather than Philip. 

Such questions are after all not so simple as they may 
seem. It is not altogether clear that such a reversal of the 
Nations Conditions from the start would have been of un- 
w«it??* mixed benefit to the English and Dutch. After 
not by' the five thousand millions had been scattered to 
but by the winds, altering the purchasing power of money 
production j^^ ^jj directions, it was Spain that was impover- 
ished while her adversaries were growing rich and strong. 
A century of such unproductive expenditure went far toward 
completing the industrial ruin of Spain, already begun in the 
last Moorish wars, and afterward consummated by the ex- 
pulsion of the Moriscos. The Spanish discovery of America 
abundantly illustrates the truths that if gold were to become 
as plentiful as iron it would be worth much less than iron, 
and that it is not inflation but production that makes a nation 
wealthy. In so far as the discover}' of America turned men's 
minds from steady industry to gold-hunting, it was a danger- 
ous source of weakness to Spain ; and it was probably just 
as well for England that the work of Cortes and Pizarro was 
not done for her. 

But the great historic fact, most conspicuous among the 
consequences of the discovery of America, is the fact that 
colonial empire, for England and for Holland, grew directly 
out of the long war in which Spain used American and East 
Indian treasure with which to subdue the EngHsh and Dutch 
peoples and to suppress the principles of civil and religious 
liberty which they represented. The Dutch tore away from 
Spain the best part of her East Indian empire, and the glori- 
ous FLlizabethan sea kings, who began the work of crippling 
Dee CNt l^hilip II. in America, led the way directly to the 
biKnificance luiiiflish colonizatiou of Virginia. Thus we are 

ofthedis- . , , , . r i 

coveryof introduced to the most important aspect of the 
America discovery of America. It opened up a fresh soil, 
enormous in extent and capacity, for the possession of which 


the lower and higher types of European civilization and 
social polity were to struggle. In this new arena the mari- 
time peoples of western Europe fought for supremacy ; and 
the conquest of so vast a field has given to the ideas of the 
victorious people, and to their type of social polity, an 
unprecedented opportunity for growth and development. 
Sundry sturdy European ideas, transplanted into this west- 
ern soil, have triumphed over all coiVipetitors and thriven so 
mightily as to react upon all parts of the Old World, some 
more, some less, and thus to modify the whole course of 
civilization. This is 
the deepest signifi- 
cance of the discovery 
of America ; and a 
due appreciation of it 
gives to our history 
from its earliest stages 
an epic grandeur, as 
the successive situa- 
tions unfold them- 
selves and events with 
unmistakable empha- 
sis record their moral. 
In the conflict of 
Titans that absorbed 
the energies of the 
sixteenth century, the 
question whether it 
should be the world 
of Caldcron or the 
world of Shakespeare 
that was to gain in- 
definite power of fu- 
ture expansion was a question of incalculable importance to 

The beginnings of the history of English-sj)caking Amer- 
ica are thus to be sought in the history of the antagonism 


between Spain and England that grew out of the circum- 
stances of the Protestant Reformation. It was as the store- 
house of the enemy*s treasure and the chief source of his 
supplies that America first excited real interest among the 
English people. 

English ships had indeed crossed the Atlantic many years 
before this warfare broke out. The example set by Colum- 
bus had been promptly followed by John Cabot and his 
Voyages of yow^ig SOU Sebastian, in the two memorable voy- 
thecabots ages of 1497 a1!^ 1498, but the interest aroused by 
those voyages was very short-lived. In later days it suited 
the convenience of England to cite them in support of her 
claim to priority in the discovery of the continent of North 
America; but many years elapsed before the existence of 
any such continent was distinctly known and before England 
cared to put forth any such claim. All that contemporaries 
could see was that the Cabots had sailed westward in search 
of the boundless treasures of Cathay, and had come home 
empty-handed without finding any of the cities described by 
Marco Polo or meeting any civilized men. So little work 
was found for Sebastian Cabot that he passed into the 
service of Spain, and turned his attention to voyages in 
the South Atlantic. Such scanty record was kept of the 
voyages of 1497 and 1498 that we cannot surely tell what 
land the Cabots first saw; whether it was the bleak coast 
of northern Labrador or some point as far south as Cape 
Breton is still a matter of dispute. The case was almost the 
same as with the voyage of Pinzon and Vespucius, whose 
ships were off Cape Honduras within a day or two after 
Cabot's northern landfall, and who, after a sojourn at Tam- 
pico, passed between Cuba and Florida at the end of April, 
1498. In the one case, as in the other, the expeditions sank 
into obscurity because they found no gold. 

The triumphant return of Gama from Hindustan, in the 
summer of 1499, turned all men's eyes to southern routes, 
and little heed was paid to the wild inhospitable shores visited 
by John Cabot and his son. The sole exception to the 



general neglect was the case of the fisheries on the banks of 
Newfoundland. From the beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
tury luiropean vessels came almost yearly to catch '11,^ j^^^^^., 
fish there, but at first l^^nglishmen took little or no ("undiand 
part in this, for they had long been wont to get 
their fish in the waters about Iceland, and it took them some 
years to make the change. On the bright August day of 


1 527 when Master John Rut sailed into the bay of St. John, 
in Newfoundland, he found two Portuguese, one Breton, and 
eleven Norman ships fishing there. Basques also came fre- 
quently to the spot. Down to that time it is not likely that 
the thought of the western shores of the Atlantic entered 
the heads of Englishmen more frequently than the thought 
of the Antarctic continent, discovered sixty years ago, enters 
the heads of men in Boston to-day. 

The lack of general interest in maritime discover}' is shown 
by the fact that dowTi to 1576, so far as we can make out, 
only twelve books upon the subject had been published in 
Kngland, and these were in great part translations of works 
published in other countries. The earliest indisputable occur- 
Kariieftt rcncc of the name America in any printed English 
Terences documcnt is in a play called "A new interlude 
to America ^nd a mcry of the nature of the iiii elements," 
which was probably published in 15 19.' About the same 
time there appeared from an Antwerp press a small book 
entitled " Of the newe landes and of y« people found by the 
messengers of the Kynge of Portugal ; " in it occurs the 
name Amicnicaj which is probably a misprint for America, 
since the account of it is evidently taken from the account 
which Vespucius gives of the natives of Brazil, and in its 
earliest use the name America was practically equivalent to 
Brazil. With the exception of a dim allusion to Columbus 
in Sebastian Brandt's ** Ship of Fools," these are the only 
references to the New World that have been found in Eng- 
lish literature previous to 1553. 

The youthful l^dward VI., who died that year, had suc- 
ceeded in recalling Sebastian Cabot from Spain, and under 
the leadershij) of that navigator was formed the joint-stock 
company quaintly entitled, "The Mysterie and Companie of 
the Merchant Adventurers for the Discoverie of 
Muscovy Regions, Dominions, Islands, and Places unknown." 
Con.pany j^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ q£ ^^^ scrics of sagacious and 

daring combinations of capital of which the East India Com- 
* Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. iii. 19. 


pany has been the most famous. It was afterwards more 
briefly known as the Muscovy Company. Under its aus- 
pices, on the 2 1st of May, 1553, an English fleet of explora- 
tion, under Sir Hugh Willoughby, set sail down the Thames 
while the cheers of 
thronging citizens 

were borne through 
the windows of the 
palace at Greenwich 
to the ears of the sick 
young king. The ill- 
fated expedition, seek- 
ing a northeasterly 
passage to Cathay, was 
wrecked on the coast 
of Lapland, and only 
one of the ships got 
home, but the interest 
in maritime adventure 
grew rapidly. A few 
days before Edward's 
death, Richard Eden 
published his *' Trea- 
ty se of the Newe In- 
dia," which was largely devoted to the discoveries in Amer- 
ica. Two years later, in 1555, Eden followed this by his 
" Decades of the Newe World," in great part a version of 
Peter Martyr's Latin. This delightful book for the first 
time made the English people acquainted with the Richard 
results of maritime discovery in all quarters since ^^^^ 
the great voyage of 1492. It enjoyed a wide popularity ; 
poets and dramatists of the next generation read it in their 
boyhood and found their horizon wondrously enlarged. In 
its pages doubtless Shakespeare found the name of that 
Patagonian deity Setebos, which Caliban twice lets fall from 
his grotesque lips. Three years after Eden's second book 
saw the light, the long reign of Queen Elizabeth began, and 


with it the antagonism, destined year by year to wax more 
violent and deadly, between England and Spain. 

Meanwhile English mariners had already taken a hand in 

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the African slave trade, which since 144 J had been monopo- 
iize.I by tno l\>rtnj:ueso. It is always dirticult to say with 
entire C'^nn^cnce just who nrst began anything, but William 
Hawki::s. an enterprising merchant of riymoiith, made a 



voyage on the Guinea coast as early as 1530, or earlier, and 
carried away a few slaves. It was his son, the famous 
Captain John Hawkins, who became the real founder of the 
English trade in slaves. In this capacity Americans have 


liuU- iva^on to remember his name with pleasure, yet it 
|..M» \uv> would be a grave mistake to visit him with un- 
ull'u.'u 411 nicasured condemnation. Few sturdier defenders 
iUvc uaitc j)f political freedom for white men have ever existed, 
and among the valiant sea kings who laid the foundations of 
England's maritime empire he was one of the foremost. It 
is worthy of notice that Queen Elizabeth regarded the open- 
ing ol the slave trade as an achievement worthy of honour- 
able commemoration, for when she made Hawkins a knight 
slie gave him for a crest the device of a negro's head and 
bust with the arms tightly pinioned, or, in the language of 
heraldry, **a demi-Moor proper bound with a cord." Public 

opinion on the subject of 
slavery was neatly expressed 
by Captain Lok, who de- 
clared that the negroes were 
** a people of beastly living, 
without God, law, religion, 
or commonwealth," ^ so that 
he deemed himself their 
benefactor in carrying them 
ofiF to a Christian land where 
their bodies might be de- 
cently clothed and their 
souls made fit for heaven. 
Exactly three centuries after 
Captain Lok, in the decade 
preceding our Civil War, I 
used to hear the very same 
defence of slavery preached 
in a Connecticut pulpit ; so 
that perhaps we are not 
I'll! it led to frown too severely upon Elizabeth's mariners. It 
l;ik<-s men a weary while to learn the wickedness of anything 
lh;il puis gold in their purses. 

It \v:is in \^C>2 that John Hawkins made his first famous 
> I'loiulo, Ifistorv of Kngltitt(t viii. 439. 




expedition to the coast of Guinea, where he took three hun- 
dred slaves and carried them over to San Domingo. It was 
illicit traffic, of course, but the Spanish planters and miners 
were too much in need of cheap labour to scrutinize too jeal- 
ously the source from which it was offered. The English- 
man found no difficulty in selling his negroes, and sailed for 

home with his three ships loaded with sugar and ginger, 
hides and pearls. The profits were large, and in 1564 the 
experiment was repeated with still greater success. On the 
way home, early in August, 1565, Hawkins stopped 
at the mouth of the St. John's River in Florida, and Lau- 
and found there a woebegone company of starving °"'" ^^ 
Frenchmen. They were the party of Rene de I.audonniere, 


awaiting the return of their chief commander, Jean Ribaut, 
from France. Their presence on that shore was the first 
feeble expression of the master thought that in due course of 
time originated the United States of America, and the author 
of that master thought was the great Admiral Coligny. The 
Huguenot wars had lately broken out in France, but already 
that far-sighted statesman had seen the commercial and mil- 
itary advantages to be gained by founding a Protestant state 
in America. After an unsuccessful attempt upon the coast 
of Brazil, he had sent Jean Ribaut to Florida, and the little 
colony was now sufifering the frightful hardships that were 
the lot of most new-comers into the American wilderness. 
Hawkins treated these poor Frenchmen with great kindness, 
and his visit with them was pleasant. He has left an inter- 
esting account of the communal house of the Indians in the 
neighbourhood, an immense barn-like frame house, with 
stanchions and rafters of untrimmed logs, and a roof thatched 
with palmetto leaves. Hawkins liked the flavour of Indian 
meal, and in his descriptions of the ways of cooking it one 
easily recognizes both " hasty pudding " and hoe-cake. He 
thought it would have been more prudent in the Frenchmen 
if they had raised corn for themselves instead of stealing it 
from the Indians and arousing a dangerous hostility. For 
liquid refreshment they had been thrown upon their own 
resources, and had contrived to make a thousand gallons or 
more of claret from the native grapes of the country. A 
letter of John Winthrop reminds us that the Puritan set- 
tlers of Boston in their first summer also made wine of 
wild grapes,^ and according to Adam of Bremen the same 
thing was done by the Northmen in Vinland in the eleventh 
century ,2 showing that in one age and clime as well as in 
another thirst is the mother of invention. 

As the Frenchmen were on the verge of despair, Hawkins 
left them one of his ships in which to return to France, but he 
had scarcely departed when the long expected Ribaut arrived 

^ Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. iii. 6i. 
^ See my Discovery of America, i. 209. 



with reinforcements, and soon after him came that terrible 
Spaniard, Menendez, who butchered the whole company, 
men, women, and children, about 700 Huguenots 
in all. Some half dozen escaped and were lucky ofHugue- 
enough to get picked up by a friendly ship and car- Winter Lc 
ried to England. Among them was the painter Le ^°*"® 
Moine, who became a friend of Sir Philip Sidney, and aroused 


much interest with his drawings of American beasts, birds, 
trees, and flowers. The story of the massacre awakened 
fierce indignation. Hostility to Spain was rapidly increasing 
in England, and the idea of Coligny began to be entertained 
by a few sagacious heads. If France could not plant a Pro- 
testant state in America, perhaps England could. A little 
later we find Le Moine consulted by the gifted half-brothers, 
Humphrey Gilbert and Walter Raleigh. 

Meanwhile, in 1567, the gallant Hawkins went on an 
eventful voyage, with five stout ships, one of which was 


commanded by a very capable and well educated young man, 
Francis afterwards and until Nelson's time celebrated as 
Drake the greatest of English seamen. Francis Drake 
was a native of Devonshire, son of a poor clergyman who 
had been molested for holding Protestant opinions. The 
young sea king had already gathered experience in the West 
Indies and on the Spanish Main ; this notable voyage taught 
him the same kind of feeling toward Spaniards that Hannibal 
cherished toward Romans. After the usual traffic among the 
islands the little squadron was driven by stress of weather to 
seek shelter in the port of San Juan de Ulua, at the present 
site of Vera Cruz. There was no force there fit to resist 
Hawkins, and it is droll to find that pious hero, such a man 
of psalms and prayers, pluming himself upon his virtue in 
not seizing some Spanish ships in the harbour laden with 
what we should call five million dollars* worth of silver. The 
next day a fleet of thirteen ships from Spain ar- 

The affair ..-^ , iri- ii ii 

of San Juan Hvcd upou the sccnc. Hawkms could perhaps have 
® ^ "* kept them from entering the harbour, but he shrank 
from the responsibility of bringing on a battle in time of 
peace ; the queen might disapprove of it. So Hawkins par- 
leyed with the Spaniards, a solemn covenant of mutual for- 
bearance was made and sworn to, and he let them into the 
harbour. But the orthodox Catholic of those days some- 
times entertained peculiar views about keeping faith with 
heretics. Had not his Holiness Alexander VI. given all this 
New World to Spain ? Poachers must be warned off ; the 
Huguenots had learned a lesson in Florida, and it was now 
the Englishmen's turn. So Hawkins was treacherously 
attacked, and after a desperate combat, in which fireships 
were used, three of his vessels were destroyed. The other 
two got out to sea, but with so scanty a larder that the crews 
were soon glad to eat cats and dogs, rats and mice, and boiled 
parrots. It became necessary to set 1 14 men ashore some- 
where to the north of Tampico. Some of these men took 
northeasterly trails, and mostly perished in the woods, but 
David Ingram and two companions actually made their way 



-r a^S^^^a^Y ^y^ 

across the continent and after eleven months were picked up 
on the coast of Nova Scotia by a friendly French vessel and 
taken back to Europe. About seventy, led by Anthony 
Goddard, less prudently marched toward the city of Mexico, 
and fell into the clutches of the Inquisition ; three were 


burned at the stake and all the rest were cruelly flogged 
and sent to the galleys for life. When the news of this 
affair reached P2ngland a squadron of Spanish treasure-ships, 
chased into the Channel by Huguenot cruisers, had just 
sought refuge in English harbours, and the queen detained 
them in reprisal for the injur)' done to Hawkins. 

News had lately arrived of the bloody vengeance wreaked 
by Dominique de Gourgues upon the Spaniards in Florida, 
while the cruelties of Alva were fast goading the Neth- 
erlands into rebellion. Next year, 1570, on a fresh May 
morning, the Papal Bull *' declaring Elizabeth deposed and 
her subjects absolved from their allegiance was found nailed 
against the Bishop of London's door," ^ and when the rash 
Growing young gentleman who had put it there was dis- 
toSpVnin covered he was taken back to that doorstep and 
England quartered alive. Two years later came the Paris 
Matins on the day of St. Bartholomew, when the English 
ambassador openly gave shelter to Huguenots in his house. 
Elizabeth's policy leaned more and more decidedly toward 
defiance of the Catholic jxjwers until it culminated in alliance 
with the revolted Netherlands in January, 1578. Mean- 
while the interest in America quickly increased. Those 
were the years when Martin Frobisher made his glorious 
voyages in the Arctic Ocean, soon to be followed by John 
Davis. Almost yearly Drake crossed the Atlantic and more 
than once attacked and ravaged the Spanish settlements in 
revenge for the treachery at San Juan de Ulua. Books and 
pamphlets about America began to come somewhat fre- 
quently from the press. 

It is worth our while here to pause for a moment and 
remark upon the size and strength of the nation that was so 
.Size and soon to conteud successfully for the mastery of the 
pirzabah's ^^^- There is something so dazzling in the bril- 
Engiand Hancy of the a<;c of Queen Bess, it is so crowded 
with romantic incidents, it fills so large a place in our minds, 
that we hardly realize how small England then was accord- 
' Kroudc, History of En^Iatul. x. 59. 


ing to modern standards of measurement. Two centuries 
earlier, in the reign of Edward III., the population of Eng- 
land had reached about 5,ocx),ooo, when the Black Death at 
one fell swoop destroyed at least half the number. In Eliza- 
beth's time the loss had just about been repaired. Her Eng- 
land was therefore slightly less populous, and it was surely 
far less wealthy, than either New York or Pennsylvania in 
1890. The Dutch Netherlands had perhaps somewhat fewer 
people than England, but surpassed her in wealth. These 
two allies were pitted against the greatest military power that 
had existed in Europe since the days of Constantine the 
Great. To many the struggle seemed hopeless. For Eng- 
land the true policy was limited by circumstances. She 
could send troops across the Channel to help the Dutch in 
their stubborn resistance, but to try to land a force ih the 
Spanish peninsula for aggressive warfare would be sheer 
madness. The shores of America and the open sea were 
the proper field of war for England. Her task was How the 
to paralyze the giant by cutting off his supplies, EngUiId'T* 
and in this there was hope of success, for no defen- field of war 
sive fleet, however large, could watch all Philip's enormous 
possessions at once. The English navy, first permanently 
organized under Henry VIII., grew rapidly in Elizabeth's 
reign under the direction of her incomparable seamen ; and 
the policy she adopted was crowned with such success that 
Philip II. lived to see his treasury bankrupt. 

This jK)licy was gradually adopted soon after the fight at 
San Juan de Ulua, and long before there was any declara- 
tion of war. The e.xtreme laxness of that age, in respect of 
international law, made it possible for such things to go on 
to an extent that now seems scarcely comprehen- ^oose ideas 
sible. The wholesale massacre of Frenchmen in ofintema- 
Florida, for example, occurred at a time of pro- 
found peace between France and Spain, and reprisal was 
made, not by the French government but by a private gentle- 
man who had to sell his ancestral estate to raise the money. 
It quite suited Elizabeth's tortuous policy, in contending 


against formidable odds, to be able either to assume or to 
disclaim responsibility for the deeds of her captains. Those 
brave men well understood the situation, and with earnest 
patriotism and chivalrous loyalty not only accepted it, but 
even urged the queen to be allowed to serve her interests at 
their own risk. In a letter handed to her in November, 1577, 
the writer begs to be allowed to destroy all Spanish ships 
caught fishing on the banks of Newfoundland, and adds, " If 
you will let us first do this we will next take the 
advice to VVcst Indies from Spain. You will have the gold 

*" and silver mines and the profit of the soil. You 

will be monarch of the seas and out of danger from every 
one. I will do it if you will allow me ; only you must resolve 
and not delay or dally — the wings of man's life are plumed 
with the feathers of death." ^ The signature to this bold 
letter has been obliterated, but it sounds like Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert, and is believed to be his. 

In connection with this it should be remembered that 
neither in England nor elsewhere at that time had the navy 
become fully a national affair as at present. It was to a 
considerable extent supported by private speculation, and 
as occasion required a commercial voyage or a voyage of 
discovery might be suddenly transformed into a naval cam- 
paign. A flavour of buccaneering pervades nearly all the 
The sea maritime operations of that age and often leads 
nol^bu^Ii^ modern writers to misunderstand or misjudge them, 
neers Thus it somctimcs happens that so excellent a 

man as Sir Francis Drake, whose fame is forever a priceless 
possession for English-speaking people, is mentioned in pop- 
ular books as a mere corsair, a kind of gentleman pirate. 
Nothing could show a more hopeless confusion of ideas. In a 
later generation the warfare characteristic of the Elizabethan 
age degenerated into piracy, and when Spain, fallen from 
her greatness, became a prey to the spoiler, a swarm of buc- 
caneers infested the West Indies and added another hideous 
chapter to the lurid history of those beautiful islands. They 
* IJrown's Genesis of the United States^ i. 9. 


were mere robbers, and had nothing in common with the 
Elizabethan heroes except courage. From the deeds of 
Drake and Hawkins to the deeds of Henry Morgan, the 
moral distance is as great as from slaying your antagonist in 
battle to murdering your neighbour for his purse. 


It was Drake who first put into practice the policy of 
weakening Philip II. by attacking him in America. It 
served the direct purpose of destroying the sinews why 
of war, and indirectly it neutralized for Europe ried^the^"^^ 
some of Spain's naval strength by diverting it into JJJ^ p^^^^Jfj^ 
American waters for self-defence. To do such Ocean 
work most effectively it seemed desirable to carry the war^ 


fare into the Pacific Ocean. The circumstances of its discov- 
ery had made Spanish America almost more of a Pacific than 
an Atlantic power. The discoverers happened to approach 
the great double continent where it is narrowest, and the 
hunt for precious metals soon drew them to the Cordilleras 
and their western slopes. The mountain region, with its un- 
told treasures of gold and silver, from New Mexico to Bolivia, 
became theirs. In acquiring it they simply stepped into the 
place of the aboriginal conquering tribes, and carried on their 
work of conquest to completion. The new rulers conducted 
the government by their own Spanish methods, and the white 
race was superposed upon a more or less dense native popu- 
lation. There was no sort of likeness to colonies planted by 
England, but there were some points of resemblance to the 
position of the English in recent times as a ruling race in 
Hindustan. Such was the kind of empire which Spain had 
founded in America. Its position, chiefly upon the Pacific 
coast, rendered it secure against Ehglish conquest, though 
not against occasional damaging attacks. In South America, 
where it reached back in one or two remote points to the 
Atlantic coast, the chief purpose was to protect the approach 
to the silver mines of Bolivia by the open route of the river 
La Plata. It was this military need that was met by the 
growth of Buenos Ayres and the settlements in Paraguay, 
guarding the entrance and the lower reaches of the great 
silver river. 

Soon after the affair of San Juan de Ulua, Drake con- 
ceived the idea of striking at this Spanish domain upon its 
Drake uuguardcd Pacific side. In 1573, after marching 
llS^in across the isthmus of Darien, the English mariner 
Darien stood upou a mouutaiu peak, not far from where 
Balboa sixty years before had stood and looked down upon 
the waste of waters stretching away to shores unvisited and 
under stars unknown. And as he looked, says Camden, 
" vehemently transported with desire to navigate that sea, 
he fell upon his knees and implored the divine assistance 
that he might at some time sail thither and make a perfect 

^ hr-cc 



discovery of the same.'* On the 15th of November, 1577, 
Drake set sail from Plymouth, on this hardy enterprise, with 
five good ships. It was a curious coincidence that in the 
following July and August, while wintering on the Patago- 
nia coast at Port St. Julian, Drake should have discovered 
symptoms of conspiracy and felt obliged to behead one of 
his officers, as had been the case with Magellan at the same 
place. By the time he had passed the straits in „ 

* •' * Voyage of 

his flagship, the Golden Hind,^ he had quite lost the Golden 
sight of his consorts, who had deserted him in that 
watery labyrinth, as Gomez had stolen away from Magellan. 
For men of common mould a 
voyage in the remote South 
Sea still had its terrors ; but 
the dauntless captain kept 
on with his single ship of 
twenty guns, and from Val- 
paraiso northward along the 
Peruvian coast dashed into 
seaports and captured vessels, 
carrying away enormous 
treasures in gold and silver 
and jewels, besides such pro- 
visions as were needed for 
his crew. With other pro- 
perty he meddled but little, 
and no acts of wanton cru- 
elty sullied his performances. 
After taking plunder worth 
millions of dollars, this cor- 
sair-work gave place to sci- 
entific discovery, and the Golden Hind sailed far northward 
in search of a northeast passage into the Atlantic. Drake 
visited a noble bay, which may have been that of San 
Francisco, and sailed some di.stance along that coast, which 
he called New Albion. It is probable, though not quite 
* Originally the Pelican: see Barrow's Life of Drake s pp. 113, 166^ 171. 



certain, that he saw some portion of the coast of Oregon. 
Not finding any signs of a northeast passage, he turned his 
prow westward, crossed the Pacific, and returned home by 
way of the Cape of Good Hope, arriving at Plymouth in 
September, 1580. Some time afterward he went up the 
Thames to Dcptford, where the queen came to dinner on 
board the Golden Hind, and knighted on his own quarter- 
deck the bold captain who had first carried the P2nglish flag 
around the world. The enthusiastic chronicler Holinshed 
wished that in memory of this grand achievement the ship 
should be set upon the top of St. Paul's Cathedral, " that being 
iliscerned farre and necrc, it might be noted and pointed 
at of people with these true termes : Yonder is the barke 
that hath sailed round about the world." ^ A different career 
awaited the sturdy Golden Hind ; for many a year she was 

kept at Dcptford, a worthy object of popular admi- 
iwmiuct ration, and her cabin was made into a banquet room 

wherein young and old might partake of the mutton 
and ale of merry LLngland ; until at last, when the venerable 
shi|) herself had succumbed to the tooth of Time, a capacious 
chair was carved from her timbers and presented to the Uni- 
versity of Oxford, where it may still be seen in the Bodleian 
Library. In it sat Abraham Cowley when he wrote the 
poem in which occur the following verses : — 

'• Drake and liis ship could not have wished from Fate 
A happier station or more blest estate. 
For 1<> ! a seat of endless rest is given 
To her in Oxford and to him in heaven." 

Meanwhile in the autumn of 1578, while the coasts of 
Chili were echoing the roar of the Golden Hind's cannon, a 
srjuadron of seven ships sailed from England, with intent to 
loimd a permanent colony on the Atlantic coast of North 
America. Its captain was one of the most eminent 
i.iii,. II .111(1 of Devonshire worthies, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and 
K.'i'ir'.ii ^jj^^^, ^^|- 1^1^^, ships was commanded by his half-brother, 
VV'.jltcr Raleigh, a young man of six-and-twenty who had 
^ Harrow's Life of Drake, p. 167. 





lately returned from volunteer service in the Netherlands. 
The destination of the voyage was " Norumbcga," which may 
have meant any place between the Hudson and Penobscot 
rivers, but was conceived with supreme vagueness, as may 
be seen from Michael Lok's map of 1582.^ This little fleet 
had at least one savage fight with Spaniards, and returned to 
^ See below, p. 65 ; and compare iny Discovery of Affierica, ii. 525. 


"Plymouth without accomplishing anything. In 1583 Gilbert 
sought a favourable place for settlement on the southern 
coast of Newfoundland, probably with a view to driving the 
Spaniards away from the fishing grounds, but an ill fate 
overtook him. On the American coast his principal vessel 
crushed its bows against a sunken rock and nearly all hands 
were lost. With two small ships the captain soon set sail 
Shipwreck ^^^ home, but his own tiny craft foundered in a 
of Gilbert terrible storm near Fayal. As she sank, Gilbert 
cheerily shouted over the tafferel to his consort, "The way 
to heaven is as near by sea as by land,*' a speech, says his 
chronicler, " well beseeming a soldier resolute in Jesus Christ, 
as I can testify he was." 

It was not Raleigh's fault that he did not share the fate of 
his revered half-brother, for the queen's mind had been full 
of forebodings and she had refused to let him go on the 
voyage. It was since the former disastrous expedition that 
Raleigh had so quickly risen in favour at court ; that he had 
thrown down his velvet cloak as a mat for Elizabeth's feet 
and had written on a window-pane the well-known verse 
which that royal coquette so cleverly capped. He became 
Captain of the Queen's Guard and Lord Warden of the 
Gilbert's Stannaries, and was presented with the confiscated 
patent estates of traitors in England and Ireland. In 1584, 

Raleigh whcn his late half-brother's patent for land in 
America expired, it was renewed in Raleigh's name. On 
March 25th was sealed the document that empowered him 
to " hold ly)' homage remote heathen and barbarous lands, 
not actually |)ossessed by any Christian prince, nor inhab- 
ited by Christian people, which he might discover within 
the next six years." ^ As had been the custom with Span- 
ish and Portuguese grants to explorers, one fifth of the 
gold and silver to be obtained was to be reserved for the 
crown. The heathen and barbarous land which Raleigh had 
in view was the Atlantic coast of North America so far as 
he might succeed in occupying it. He knew that Spain 
1 Stebbing's Sir Walfcr RaUi^h, p. 43. 


claimed it all as her own by virtue of the bull of Pope Alex- 
ander VI., but Elizabeth had already declared in 1581 that 
she cared nothing for papal bulls and would recognize no 

Spanish claims to America save such as were based upon 
discovery followed by actual possession.^ Raleigh's atten- 
tion had long been turned toward Florida. In youth he had 
^ Brown's Genesis^ p. 10. 


served in France under Coligny, and had opportunities for 
hearing that statesman's plan for founding a Protestant state 
in America discussed. We have seen Le Moine, the French 
artist who escaped from the Florida massacre, consorting 
with Raleigh and with Sir Philip Sidney. Upon those men 
fell the mantle of Coligny, and the people of the United 
States may well be proud to point to such noble figures 
standing upon the threshold of our history. 

One provision in the Gilbert patent, now renewed for 
Raleigh, is worth especial mention. It was agreed that the 
English colonies which should be planted in America " should 
have all the privileges of free denizens and persons native of 
England, in such ample manner as if they were born and 
personally resident in our said realm of England," and that 
,, . , any law to the contrary should be of no effect : fur- 

Promise of -^ -' 

self-govern- thcrmorc, that the people of those colonies should 
be governed by such statutes as they might choose 
to establish for themselves, provided that such statutes "con- 
form as near as conveniently may be with those of England, 
and do not oppugn the Christian faith, or anyway withdraw 
the people of those lands from our allegiance." A more un- 
equivocal acknowledgment of the rights of self-government 
which a British government of two centuries later saw fit to 
ignore it would be hard to find. Gilbert and Raleigh de- 
manded and Elizabeth granted in principle just what Patrick 
Henry and Samuel Adams demanded and George III. re- 
fused to concede. 

The wealthy Raleigh could act promptly, and before five 
weeks had elapsed two ships, commanded by Philip Amidas 
Voyage of and Arthur Barlow, had started on a reconnoitring 
aVd'Ha'r- voyagc. On the 4th of July, 1584, they reached the 
low, 15S4 country now known as North Carolina, at some 
point not far from Cape Lookout. Thence a northerly run 
of over a hundred miles brought them to the New Inlet, 
through which they passed into Pamlico Sound and visited 
Roanoke Island. They admired the noble pine-trees and red 
cedars, marvelled at the abundance of game, and found the 



native barbarians polite and friendly. Their attempt to learn 
the name of the country resulted as not uncommonly in 
such first parleys between strange tongues. The Indian of 
whom the question was asked had no idea what was meant 
and uttered dt random the Ollendorfian reply, " Win-gan- 



da-coa," which signified. **What pretty clothes you wear!" 
So when Amidas and Barlow returned to England they said 
they had visited a country by the name of Wingandacoa ; but 
the queen, with a touch of the euphuism then so fashion- 
able, suggested that it should be called, in honour of herself, 

In the spring of 1585 Raleigh, who had lately been 
Ralph knighted, sent out a hundred or more men com- 
pcciitioir manded by Ralph Lane, to make the beginnings of 
^'^^'^ a settlement. They were convoyed by Raleigh's 

cousin, Sir Richard Grenville, with seven well-armed ships. 




They entered Pamlico Sound through Ocracoke Inlet, and 
trouble with the natives at once began. One of the In- 
dians stole a silver cup, and Grenville unwisely retaliated by 
setting fire to their standing corn. Having thus sown the 
seeds of calamity he set the colonists ashore upon Roanoke 
Island and went on his way. The sagacious and energetic 
Lane explored the neighbouring mainland for many miles 
along the coast and for some distance into the interior, and 
even tried to find a waterway into the Pacific Ocean. He 
made up his mind that the country was not favourable for a 
new colony, and he gathered sundry bits of information which 


seemed to point to Chesapeake Bay as a much better place. 
The angry Indians made much trouble, and after a year had 
passed the colonists were suffering from scarcity of food, 
when all at once Sir P'rancis Drake appeared on the scene 
with a superb fleet of three-and-twenty ships. War between 
Spain and England had been declared in July, 1585, when 
Sidney and Drake were about ready to execute a scheme that 
contemplated the founding of an American colony by Sidney. 



But the queen interfered and sent Sidney to the Nether- 
lands, where he was so soon to die a noble death. The ter- 
rible Drake, whom Spaniards, punning upon his name, had 

begun to call " Dragon," gave them fresh cause to dread and 
Res lie of ^^^'^^^ \^\Vi^, He had captured 20 ships with 250 
Lane by caniion, ho had taken and sacked Cartagena, St. 

Sir I'rancis ,^ . ^ .- ^ • i i • i 

"the Domingo, and St. Augustme, and on his way home 

dragon looi^cd in at Roanoke Island, in time to take Lane 
and his starving party on board and carry them back to Eng- 



land They had not long been gone when Grenville arrived 
with supplies, and was astonished at finding the island de- 
serted. Knowing nothing of Lane's change of purpose, and 
believing that his party must still be somewhere in the adja- 
cent country, Grenville left a guard of fifteen men on the 
island, with ample supplies, and sailed away. 

The stirring days of the Armada were approaching. When 
Lane arrived in England, his services were needed there, and 
after a while we find him a member of the Council of War. 
One of this first American colonizing party was the wonder- 
ful Suffolk boy, Thomas Cavendish, aged two-and- ^^^ 
twenty, who had no sooner landed in England than dish's voy- 
he set sail in command of three ships, made his thewo^w, 
way into the Pacific Ocean, and repeated the ex- * 586-88 
ploits of Drake from Chili to California, captured one of 
Spain's finest galleons, 
and then in two years 
more completed the cir- 
cumnavigation of the 
globe. While the pupil 
was thus nobly acquit- 
ting himself, the mas- 
ter in the spring of 
1587 outdid all former 
achievements. Sailing 
into the harbour of Ca- 
diz, Drake defeated the 
warships on guard there, 
calmly loaded his own 
vessels with as much 
Spanish spoil as could 
safely be carried, then 
set fire to the storeships 
and cut their cables. 

More than a hundred transports, some of them 1500 tons in 
burthen, all laden with stores for the Armada, became a 
tangled and drifting mass of blazing ruin, while amid the 




thunder of exploding magazines the victor went forth on his 
Drake way unscathed and rejoicing. Day after day he 
b<^d"o?* crouched under the beetling crags of Cintra, catch- 
Phiiip II. ii^g and sinking every craft that passed that lair, 
then swept like a tempest into the bay of Corufta and 



wrought similar havoc to that of Cadiz, then stood off for 
the Azores and captured the great carrack on its way from 
the Indies with treasure reckoned by millions. Europe 
stood dumb with amazement. What manner of man was 
it that could thus **sin;^^e the King of Spain's beard"? 
" Philip one day invited a lady of the court to join him in 


his barge on the Lake of Segovia. The lady said she dared 
not trust herself on the water, even with his Majesty," for 
fear of Sir Francis Drake.^ Philip's Armada had to wait 
for another year, while by night and day the music of adze 
and hammer was heard in English shipyards. 

Just as "the Dragon " returned to England another party 
of Raleigh's colonists was approaching the American coast. 
There were about 150, including seventeen women. John 
White, a man deft with water-colours, who had been the 
artist of Lane's expedition, was their governor. Their set- 
tlement was to be made on the shore of Chesapeake Bay, 
but first they must stop at Roanoke Island and pick up the 
fifteen men left on watch by Grenville. Through some 
carelessness or misunderstanding or bad faith on ^vhites 
the part of the convoy, the people once landed ?"/,^Uf,|^°" 
were left in the lurch with only one small vessel, island, 
and thus were obliged to stay on that fatal Roanoke ^ ' 
Island. They soon found that Grenville's little guard had 
been massacred by red men. It was under these gloomy 
circumstances that the first child of English parents was born 
on the soil of the United States. The governor's daughter 
Eleanor was wife of Ananias Dare, and their little girl, born 
August 18, 1587, was named Virginia. Before she was ten 
days old her grandfather found it necessary to take the ship 
and return to England for help. 

But the day of judgment for Spain and England was at 
hand, and lesser things must wait. Amid the turmoil of 
military preparation, Sir Walter was not unmindful of his 
little colony. Twice he fitted out relief expeditions, but the 
first was stopped because all the ships were seized for gov- 
ernment service, and the Second was driven back into port 
by Spanish cruisers. While the anxious governor waited 
through the lengthening days into the summer of 1588, 
there came, with its imperious haste, its deadly agony and 
fury, its world-astounding triumph, the event most tre- 
mendous, perhaps, that mankind have witnessed since the 
^ Froude, History of England^ xii. 392. 


star of the Wise Men stood over the stable at Bethle- 
The hem. Then you might have seen the sea kings 

A^m^^dA,'' ^vorking in good fellowshi]) together, — Drake and 
^^^'^'^ Hawkins, Winter and Frobisher, with Howard of 

ICffingham in the Channel fleet ; Raleigh and Granville 
active alike in council and afield ; the two great ministers, 
Hurghley and Walsingham, ever crafty and vigilant ; and in 



the background on her white palfrey the eccentric figure 
of the strangely wayward and wilful but always brave and 
patriotic Queen. Even after three centuries it is with bated 
breath that we watch those 130 black hulks coming up the 
Channel, with 3,000 cannon and 30,000 men on board, among 
them ninety executioners withal, equipped with racks and 
thumbscrews, to inaugurate on English soil the accursed 
work of the Inquisition. In camp at Dunkirk the greatest 
general of the age, Alexander Farnese, with 35,000 veterans 
is crouching for a spring, like a still greater general at Bou- 
logne in later days ; 
and one wonders if 
the 80,000 raw militia 
slowly mustering in 
the busy little towns 
and green hamlets of 
England can with- 
stand these well- 
trained warriors. 

In the English fleet 
there were about as 
many ships as the 
enemy had, much 
smaller in size and 
inferior* in weight of 
metal, but at the 
same time far more 
nimble in movement. 
Of cannon and men the 
English had scarcely 
half as many as the 
Spaniards, but this dis- 
parity was more than 

offset by one great advantage. Our forefathers had already 
begun to display the inventive ingenuity for which their de- 
scendants in both hemispheres have since become preeminent. 
Many of their ships were armed with new guns, of longer range 



than any hitherto known, and this advantage, combined with 
their greater nimbleness, made it possible in many cases to 
Defeat of pound a Spanish ship to pieces without receiving 
dbie"^*"" ^^y serious hurt in return. In such respects, as well 
Armada as in the Seamanship by which the two fleets were 
handled, it was modern intelligence pitted against mediaeval 
chivalry. Such captains as served Elizabeth were not reared 
under the blighting shadow of the Escurial. With the dis- 
comfiture of the Invincible Armada before Dunkirk, the 


army of Farnese at once became useless for invading Eng- 
land. Then came the awful discovery that the mighty fleet 
was penned up in the German Ocean, for Drake held the 
Strait of Dover in his iron grip. The horrors of the long 
retreat through northern seas have never been equalled 
save when Napoleon's hosts were shattered in Russia. In 
the disparity of losses, as in the immensity of the issues at 
stake, we are reminded of the Greeks and Persians at Salamis ; 
of Spaniards more than 20,000 perished, but scarcely 100 
Englishmen. The frightful loss of ships and guns announced 
the overthrow of Spanish supremacy, but the bitter end was 
yet to come. During the next three years the activity of 


the sea kings reached such a pitch that more than 800 Span- 
ish ships were destroyed.^ The final blow came Battle of 
soon after the deaths of Drake and Hawkins in Cadiz, 15^6 
1596, when Raleigh, with the Earl of Essex and Lord 
Thomas Howard, destroyed the Spanish fleet in that great 
battle before Cadiz whereof Raleigh wrote that " if any man 
had a desire to see Hell itself, it was there most lively 
figured/' 2 

It was not until March, 1591, that Governor White suc- 
ceeded in getting to sea again for the rescue of his family 
and friends. He had to go as passenger in a West India- 
man. When he landed, upon the return voyage, at Roanoke 
Island, it was just in time to have celebrated his little grand- 
child's fourth birthday. It had been agreed" that should the 
colonists leave that spot they should carve upon a tree the 
name of the place to which they were going, and if they 
should add to the name a cross it would be under- Mystery of 
stood as a signal of distress. When White arrived vvhffe'l^^ 
he found grass growing in the deserted blockhouse, colony 
Under the cedars hard by five chests had been buried, and 
somebody had afterwards dug them up and rifled them. 
Fragments of his own books and pictures lay scattered 
about. On a great tree was cut in big letters, but without 
any cross, the word Croatan, which was the name of a 
neighbouring island. The captain of the ship was at first 
willing to take White to Croatan, but a fierce storm overtook 
him and after beating about for some days he insisted upon 
making for England in spite of the poor man's entreaties. 
No more did White ever hear of his loved ones. Sixteen 
years afterward the settlers at Jamestown were told by In- 
dians that the white people abandoned at Roanoke had 
mingled with the natives and lived with them for some years 
on amicable terms until at the instigation of certain medicine- 
men (who probably accused them of witchcraft) they had all 
been murdered, except four men, two boys, and a young 
woman, who were spared by request or order of a chief. 
* Brown's Genesis^ i. 20. * Stebbing's Ralegh^ p. 129. 


Whether this young woman was Virginia Dare, the first 
American girl, we have no means of knowing.^ 

Nothing could better illustrate than the pathetic fate of 
this little colony how necessary it was to destroy the naval 
power of Spain before England could occupy the soil of 
North America. The defeat of the Invincible Armada was 
Signifi- ^^^ opening event in the history of the United 
canceof States. It was the event that made all the rest 

the defeat ... ,,r. , . , , 

of the possible. Without it the attempts at Jamestown 

"^"^ and Plymouth could hardly have had more success 

than the attempt at Roanoke Island. An infant colony is 
like an army at the end of a long line of communications ; 
it perishes if the line is cut. Before England could plant 
thriving states in America she must control the ocean routes. 
The far-sighted Raleigh understood the conditions of the pro- 
blem. When he smote the Spaniards at Cadiz he knew it was 
a blow struck for America. He felt the full significance of 
the defeat of the Armada, and in spite of all his disappoint- 
ments with Virginia he never lost heart. In 1602 he wrote 
to Sir Robert Cecil, " I shall yet live to see it an English 

In the following chapters we shall see how Raleigh's brave 
words came true. 

^ The fate of White's colony has been a subject for speculation even 
to the present day ; and attempts have been made to detect its half- 
breed descendants among the existing population of North Carolina. 
The evidence, however, is too frail to support the conclusions. 



In all the history of human knowledge there is no more 
fascinating chapter than that which deals with the gradual 
expansion of men's geographical ideas consequent upon the 
great voyages of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It is 
not a tale so written that he who runs may read it, but its 
events have rather to be slowly deciphered from hundreds of 
quaint old maps, whereon islands and continents, mountains 
and rivers, are delineated with very slight resemblance to 
what we now know to be the reality ; where, for in- ^. 

^ t T»>r , , Sixteenth 

Stance, Gog and Magog show a strong tendency century 
to get mixed up with Memphremagog, where the "^^^ 
capital of China stands a few hundred miles north of the 
city of Mexico, and your eye falls upon a river which you feel 
sure is the St. Lawrence until you learn that it is meant for 
the Yang-tse-Kiang. In the sixteenth century scarcely any 
intellectual stimulus could be found more potent than the 
sight of such maps, revealing unknown lands, or cities and 
rivers with strange names, places of which many marvels 
had been recounted and almost anything might be believed. 

One afternoon in the year 1568, the lawyer Richard Hak- 
luyt was sitting at his desk in the Middle Temple, with a 
number of such maps and sundry new books of cosmography 
spread out before him, when the door opened and his young 
cousin and namesake, then a boy of sixteen studying at 
Westminster School, came into the room. The elder Richard 
opened the Bible at the 107th Psalm, and pointed to the 
verses which declare that **they which go downe to the sea 
in ships and occupy by the great waters, they see the works 


of the Lord and his wonders in the deep ; " then he called 
the lad's attention to the maps, in which he soon became 
Richard absorbcd. This incident determined the career of 
Hakiuyt ^^le younger Richard Hakluyt, and led to his play- 
ing an important part in the beginnings of the United States 
of America. A learned and sagacious writer upon American 
history, Mr. Doyle, of All Souls College, Oxford, has truly 
said that it is " hard to estimate at its full value the debt 
which succeeding generations owe to Richard Hakluyt."^ 
In 1 570 he became a student at Christ Church, Oxford, and 
took his master's degree in 1577. His book called " Divers 

Voyages," dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney, was published in 
1582. From 1583 to 1588 he was chaplain of the English 
legation at Paris, and before his return he was appointed 
canon of Bristol, an office which he held till 1605. Thus for 
many years he lived in the city of the Cabots, the cradle of 
the new era of maritime adventure. He came to be recog- 
nized as one of the foremost geographers of the age and the 
greatest living English authority on matters relating to the 
New World. The year following the defeat of the Armada 
witnessed the publication of his book entitled " Principal 
Voyages," which Froude well calls "the prose epic of the 
modern English nation." ^ In 1605 he was made a preben- 
dary of Westminster, and eleven years later was buried with 
distinguished honours beneath the pavement of the great 

The book of Hakluyt's which here most nearly concerns 
us is the "Discourse of Western Planting," written in 1584, 
shortly before the return of the ships of Amidas and Barlow 

^ Doyle, Virj^hiid, etc. p. ro6. 

- Hakluyt's Discoitrse of Western Plant in i^ (in Maine Hist. Soc 
Co//.), Cambridge, 1877. p. x. 

\ I ^. *. K ■ 


voyages touching rhe difcoiicrieof 
jAmencaj and we Hands adtMent 

vnto the lame, made fitllo^ all by oar 
make f he like ^iiunift^ 


Imprinted at Lon- 
don for Thomas ^^oodcocke^ 
dweli'mgmpaiiles Chwch-ymd, 

atihcfigocof the blacfccl>carc» 



from Roanoke Island. It was not published, nor was imme- 
diate publication its aim. It was intended to influence the 
mind of Queen Elizabeth. The manuscript was handed to 
her about September, 1584, and after a while was lost sight 
of until after a long period of oblivion it turned 
of a manu- up in the library of Sir Peter Thomson, an indefat- 
**^"^ igable collector of literary treasures, who died in 

1770. It was bought from his family by Lord Valentia, 
after whose death it passed into the hands of the famous 
bibliophile Henry Stevens, who sold it to Sir Thomas 
Phillips for his vast collection of archives at Thirlestane 
House, Cheltenham. In 1869 a copy of it was made for Dr. 
Leonard Woods, President of Bowdoin College, by whom it 
was ably edited for the Maine Historical Society; and at 
length, in 1 877, after a sleep of nearly three centuries, it was 
printed at our New England Cambridge, at the University 
Press, and published with valuable notes by the late Dr. 
Charles Deane. 

Hakluyt wrote this document at the request of Raleigh, 
who wished to persuade the queen to invest money in a 
colonizing expedition to the New World. Such an enter- 
prise, he felt, was too great for any individual purse and 
needed support from government. No one had studied the 
subject so thoroughly as Hakluyt, and so Raleigh enlisted 
his services. In twenty-one brief chapters Hakluyt sets 
forth the various reasons why England should plant colonies 
Reasons for *^^^ ^^^^ coast of North America. The chief reasons 
planting ^j^q \^\^^^ gi^i^h colonics will enlari2:e the occasions 

English . . . ^ 

colonies in and facilities for driving Spanish ships from the 
Newfoundland fisheries and capturing Spanish trea- 
sure on its way from Mexico and the isthmus of Darien ; 
they will be serviceable as stations toward the discovery and 
use of the northwest passage to Cathay ; after a while they 
will furnish a valuable market for the products of English in- 
dustry, especially woollen and linen cloths ; they will increase 
the royal revenue by customs duties ; they will afford new 
material for the growth of the navy ; and in various ways 


they will relieve England of its idlers and vagrants by find- 
ing occupation for them abroad. In his terse quaint way, 
the writer emphasizes these points. As for the Spanish 
king, " if you touche him in the Indies you touche the apple 
of his eye ; for take away his treasure, which is nennis belli, 
and which he hath almoste [all] out of his West Indies, his 
olde bandes of souldiers will soone be dissolved, his purposes 
defeated, ... his pride abated, and his tyranie utterly sup- 
pressed." "He shall be left bare as iEsop's proude crowe." 
With regard to creating a new market he says : " Nowe if 
her Majestie take these westerne discoveries in hande, and 
plant there, yt is like that in short time wee shall vente as 
greate a masse of clothe yn those partes as ever wee did in 
the Netherlandes, and in tyme moche more." In this connec- 
tion he gives a striking illustration of the closeness of the 
commercial ties which had been knit between England and 
the Low Countries in the course of the long alliance with 
the House of Burgundy. In 1550, when Charles V. proposed 
to introduce the Spanish Inquisition into the Netherlands, 
it was objected that all English merchants would then quit 
the country, and the English trade would be griev- English 
ously diminished. At this suggestion, " search was [j^^Nrther- 
made what profite there came and comoditie grewe ^^"^ 
by the haunte of the Englishe marchantes. Then it was 
founde by searche and enquirie, that within the towne of 
Antwerpe alone there were 14,000 persons feddeand mayne- 
teyned onlye by the workinge of English commodities, be- 
sides the gaines that marchantes and shippers with other in 
the said towne did gett, which was the greatest part of their 
lyvinge, which were thoughte to be in nomber halfe as many 
more ; and in all other places of his Netherlandes by the 
indraping of Englishe woU into clothe, and by the working 
of other Englishe comodities, there were 30,000 persons 
more mayneteyned and fedd ; which in all amounteth to the 
nomber of 51,000 persons." When this report was given to 
Charles V. it led him to pause and consider, as well it might. 
According to Hakluyt, an English colony in America 


would soon afford as good a market for English labour as 
An Ameri- ^^^ Netherlands. He was impressed with the belief 
can market ^hat the population of England was fast outrunning 
its means of subsistence. Now if the surplus of population 
could be drawn to America it would find occupation in rais- 
ing the products of that new soil to exchange for commodities 
from England, and this exchange in its turn would increase 
the demand for English commodities and for the labour 
which produced them, so that fewer people in England 
would be left without employment. Such is Hakluyt's idea, 
though he nowhere states it quite so formally. It is interest- 
ing because there is no doubt that he was not alone in hold- 
ing such views. There was in many quarters a feeling that, 
with its population of about 5,000,000, England was getting 
to be over-peopled. This was probably because for some 
time past the supply of food and the supply of work had 
both been diminishing relatively to the number of people. 
For more than a century the wool trade had been waxing so 
profitable that great tracts of land which had formerly been 
subject to tillage were year by year turned into pastures 
The change for shccp. This proccss uot Only tended to raise 
to°pastur?^ the price of food, but it deprived many people of 
^ge employment, since sheep-farming requires fewer 

hands than tilling the soil. Since the accession of Henry 
VIII. there had been many legislative attempts to check 
the conversion of ploughed land into grassy fields, but the 
change still continued to go on.^ The enormous increase in 

^ The case is put vigorously hy Sir Thomas More in 15 16: *' Your 
sheep, that were wont to be so meek and tame, are now become so 
great devourers and so wild that they eat up and swallow down the 
very men themselves. They consume, destroy, and devour whole fields, 
houses, and cities ; for look in what part of the realm doth g^row the 
finest, and therefore dearest wool, there noblemen and gentlemen, 
yea, and certain abbots, holy men, God wot! not contenting them- 
selves with the yearly revenues and profits that were wont to grow to 
their forefathers and predecessors of their lands, nor being content that 
they live in rest and pleasure — nothing profiting, yea, much annoying 
the weal publick — leave no ground for tillage ; they enclose all into 


the quantity of precious metals had still further raised the 
price of food, while as people were thrown out of employ- 
ment the labour market tended to become overstocked so 
that wages did not rise. These changes bore with especial 
severity upon the class of peasants. The condition of the 
freeholding yeomanry was much improved during the six- 
teenth century. Stone houses with floors had taken the 
place of rude cabins with rushes carpeting the ground ; meat 
was oftener eaten, clothes were of better quality. But it was 
otherwise with the peasants who held by servile tenures. In 
the abolition of mediaeval serfdom which had been going on 
for two centuries and was completed in England so much 
earlier than in any other part of Europe, it was not all gain 
for the lowest grades of labourers. Some through energy 
and good fortune rose to recruit the ranks of freeholders, 
but many others became paupers and thieves. The change 
from tillage to pasturage affected this class more than any 
other, for it turned many out of house and home ; so that, 
in the words of an old writer, they ** prowled about as idle 
beggars or continued as stark thieves till the gallows did eat 
them." ^ The sudden destruction of the monasteries by 
Henry VIII. deprived the pauper of such scanty support as 
he had been wont to get from the vast wealth of the Church, 
and besides it had let loose upon society a vast number of 
persons with their old occupations gone and set aside.^ In 

pastures, they throw down houses, they pluck down towns, and leave 
nothing standing but only the church to be made a sheephouse. And, 
as though you lost no small quantity of ground by forests, chases, lands, 
and parks, those good holy men turn all dwelling places and all glebe 
lands into desolation and wilderness, enclosing many thousands acres of 
ground together within one pale or hedge," while those who formerly 
lived on the land, ** poor, silly, wretched souls, men, women, husbands, 
wives, fatherless children, widows, and woeful mothers with young 
babes, were starving and homeless. And where many labourers had 
existed by field labour, only a single shepherd or herdsman was occu- 
pied." Utopia^ book i. 

* Doylie, Virginia^ etc. p. 103. 

2 In many cases the monasteries by injudicious relief had increased 
the number of paupers and beggars. The subject of this paragraph is 


FiDEi ChristianjC prop ugnatrix ace rrima. 


Elizabeth's reign, therefore, for the various reasons here 
Growth of mentioned, the growth of pauperism began to at- 
pauperism tract especial attention as a lamentable if not for- 
midable evil, and the famous "poor law" of 1601 marks 
a kind of era in the social history of England. Under such 
circumstances, for men disheartened by poverty and demoral- 
ized by idleness, struggling for life in a community that had 
ceased to need the kind of labour they could perform, the 
best chance of salvation seemed to lie in emigration to a new 
colony where the demand for labour was sure to be great, 
and life might be in a measure begun anew. So thought 
the good Hakluyt, and the history of the seventeenth cen- 
tury did much to justify his opinion. The prodigious devel- 
opment of the English commercial and naval marine, to 
which the intercourse with the new and thriving American 
colonies greatly contributed, went far toward multiplying the 
opportunities for employment and diminishing the numbers 
of the needy and idle class. Many of the sons of the men 
who had been driven from their farms by sheep-raising land- 
lords made their home upon the ocean, and helped to secure 
England's control of the watery pathways. Many of them 
found new homes in America, and as independent yeomen 
became more thrifty than their peasant fathers. 

While there were many people who espoused Hakluyt's 
views, while preachers might be heard proclaiming from the 
pulpit that " Virginia was a door which God had opened for 
Opposition England," on the other hand, as in the case of all 
to Hakluyt great enterprises, loud voices were raised in oppo- 
sition. To send parties of men and women to star\''e in 
the wilderness, or be murdered by savages or Spaniards, was 
a proceeding worthy of severe condemnation for its shocking 
cruelty, to say nothing of its useless extravagance. Then, 
as usual, the men who could see a few inches in front of 
their noses called themselves wise and practical, while they 
stigmatized as visionary theorizers the men whose imagina- 

admirably expounded in Ashley's Introduclion to English Economic 
History^ ii. 190-376. 


FiDEi Christiana propugnatrix acerrima. 


tions could discern, albeit in dim outlines, the great future. 
As for the queen, who clearly approved in her innermost 
heart the schemes of Raleigh and Hakluyt, not much was to 
be expected from her when it came to a question of spend- 
ing money. Elizabeth carried into the management of pub- 
lic affairs a miserly spirit inherited, perhaps, from her grand- 
father, Henry VII. When the Armada was actually The 
entering the Channel she deemed it sound economy ™uriou$- 
to let her sailors get sick with sour ale rather than "^^^ 
throw it away and buy fresh for them. Such a mind was 
not likely to appreciate the necessity for the enormous im- 
mediate outlay involved in planting a successful colony. 
That such a document as Hakluyt's should be laid away and 
forgotten was no more than natural. To blame Elizabeth 
unreservedly, however, without making some allowance for 
the circumstances in which she was placed, would be crude 
and unfair. It was the public money that she was called 
upon to spend, and the military pressure exerted by Spain 
made heavy demands upon it. In spite of her pennywise 
methods, which were often so provoking, they were prob- 
ably less ill suited to that pinching crisis than her father's 
ready lavishness would have been. 

That Raleigh should appeal to the sovereign for aid in 
his enterprise was to have been expected. It was what all 
explorers and colonizers had been in the habit of doing. 
Since the days of Prince Henry the Navigator the arduous 
work of discovering and subduing the heathen world outside 
of Europe had been conducted under government control 
and paid from the public purse whenever the plunder of the 
heathen did not suffice. In some cases the sovereign was 
unwilling to allow private capital to embark in such enter- 
prises ; as for example in the spring of 149 1, when the Duke 
of Medina-Celi offered to fit out two or three caravels for 
Columbus and Queen Isabella refused to give him the requi- 
site license, probably because she was "unwilling to have 
the duke come in for a large share of the profits in case the 
venture should prove successful." ^ Usually, however, such 
^ See my Discovery of America, i. 409. 


work was beyond the reach of private purses, and it was not 
The beein- Until the middle of the sixteenth century, and in 
johft^stock ^^^^ commercial countries as the Netherlands and 
companies England, with comparatively free governments, that 
joint-stock companies began to be formed for such purposes. 
I have already alluded to the famous Muscovy Company, first 
formed in the reign of Edward VI., and from that time forth 
the joint-stock principle went on rapidly gaining strength 
until its approach to maturity was announced by the crea- 
tion of the English East India Company in i6cx) and the 
Dutch East India Company in 1602. The latter was "the 
first great joint-stock company whose shares were bought 
and sold from hand to hand," ^ and these events mark the 
beginning of a new era in European commerce. 

This substitution of voluntary cooperation among interested 
individuals for compulsory action under government control 
was one of the most important steps taken toward bringing 
in the modern era. Americans have no reason to regret 
that the beginnings of English colonization in the New 
World were not made by an English sovereign. There can 
be no doubt that the very slight connection between these 
colonies and the Crown was from the first extremely favour- 
able to their free and untrammelled development. Far bet- 
ter that the worthy Hakluyt's essay should get tucked away 
in a pigeon-hole than that it should have fired Elizabeth to 
such zeal for Virginia as Louis XIV. a century afterward 
showed for New France ! 

By 1589 Raleigh seems to have despaired of finding the 
queen disposed to act as a fairy godmother. He reckoned 
that he had already spent ;i<^40,ooo on Virginia, although 
this sum may perhaps have included his contributions to- 
ward the Arctic voyages of John Davis. Such a sum would 
be equivalent to not less than $1,000,000 of our modern 
Kaicish's nioney, and no wonder if Raleigh began to feel 
difficulties niorc than ever that the undertaking was too great 
for his individual resources. In March, 1589, we find him, 
^ Payne. European Colonies, p. 55. 




a relation of the great and Golden Citic 
* ^Manoa (which the Spaniards caS El 

Dsrddo) MdofAt Ptomnct% of £mtri0^ 
jiirftm^iMt Am^is , and o^ c^O}iiii* 


Performed in the yeare f y p 5* by Sir 

JV. %f^gh Knight J Captaiac of iicf 

I €tC tilt Stamtciics > afl<l btf High* 

m& LicutrnantgcncrnO , | 

of the Coundc of 
Come wall. 


fmpinted at Landon by ^Roller C %obmfon, 
I 5 P ^. 



as governor of Virginia, assigning not his domain but the 
right to trade there to a company, of which John White, 
Thomas Smith, and Rev. Richard Hakluyt were the most 
prominent members. He reserved for himself a royalty of 
one fifth of all the gold and silver that should be obtained. 
The Company did not show much activity. We may well 
believe that it was too soon after the Armada. Business 
affairs had not had time to recover from that severe strain. 
But Raleigh never lost sight of Virginia. Southey's accu- 
sation that he sent out colonists and then abandoned them 
was ill-considered. We have already seen why it proved 
impossible to send help to John White's colony. 

In the pursuit of his various interests the all-accomplished 
knight sometimes encountered strange vicissitudes. With 
all his flattery of the crowned coquette, Elizabeth Tudor, the 
true sovereign of his heart was one of the ladies of the court, 
the young and beautiful Elizabeth Throckmorton. To our pro- 
saic modern minds the attitude of the great queen toward the 
favourite courtiers whom she could by no possibility dream 
of raising to the dignity of prince-consort seems incompre- 
hensible. But after a due perusal of the English dramatists 
of the time, the romance of Sidney, the extravagances of 
Lyly, the poetry of Spenser and Ronsard, or some of those 
talcs of chivalry that turned good Don Quixote's brain, we 
are beguiled into the right sort of atmosphere for under- 
standing it. For any of Elizabeth's counsellors or favourites 
to make love to any other lady was apt to call down some 
manifestation of displeasure, and in 1592 some circumstances 
connected with Raleigh's marriage ^ led to his imprisonment 
in the Tower. But his evil star was not yet in the ascendant. 
Within a few wrecks one of his captains, Christopher New- 
port, whom we shall meet again, brought into Dart- 
Spanish mouth harbour the great Spanish carrack Madre 
^^^^^ de Dios, with treasure from the Indies worth nearly 

four millions of modern dollars. A large part of Raleigh's 

^ Circumstances not wholly creditable to him ; see Stebbing's Ralegh^ 
pp. 89-94. 



own share in the booty was turned over to his sovereign with 
that blithesome grace in which none could rival him, and 
it served as a ransom. In 1594 we find him commanding 
an expedition to Guiana and exploring the vast solitudes 



of the Orinoco in search of El Dorado. On his return to 
England he found a brief interval of leisure in which to write 
that fascinating book on Guiana which David Hume declared 


to be full of lies, a gross calumny which subsequent know- 
ledge, gathered by Humboldt and since his time, has entirely 
refuted. Then came the great battle at Cadiz in 1596, 
already mentioned, and the capture of Fayal in 1 597, when 
Raleigh's fame reached its zenith. About this time, or soon 
• .^^^ after, began those ambrosial nights, those feasts of 

Mermaid the STods, at the Mermaid Tavern, where Selden and 


Camden, Beaumont and Fletcher, Ben Jonson and 
Dr. Donne, sat around the table with Raleigh and Shake- 
speare. In that happy time the opportunity for colonizing 
Virginia seemed once more to have come, and in 1602 Ra- 
leigh sent out Samuel Mace on an expedition of which less 
is known than one could wish, save that renewed search was 
made for White's lost colony. Otherwise, says the historian 
Stith, this Mace " performed nothing, but returned with idle 
stories and frivolous allegations.*' ^ When he arrived in Eng- 
land in 1603, sad changes had occurred. The great queen 
— great and admirable with all her faults — had passed 
away, and a quaint pedantic little Scotchman, with uncouth 
King figure and shambling gait and a thickness of utter- 

james I. ^ncc duc partly to an ill-formed tongue and partly 
to excessive indulgence in mountain dew, had stepped into 
her place. A web of intrigue, basely woven by Robert Cecil 
and Henry Howard, had caught Raleigh in its meshes. He 
was hurried off to the Tower, while an attainder bereft him 
of his demesne of Virginia and handed it over to the crown. 
But other strong hands were taking up the work. That 
Earl of Southampton to whom Shakespeare ten years before 
had dedicated his " Venus and Adonis " had been implicated 
in Essex's rebellion and narrowly escaped with his life. The 
Henry, acccssion of Jamcs I., which was fraught with such 
Soithamp- ^^^ ^^^^ Raleigh, set Southampton free. But already 
'^" in 1602, while he was still a prisoner in the Tower, 

an expedition organized under his auspices set sail for 
Virginia. It was commanded by one of Raleigh's old cap- 
tains, Bartholomew Gosnold, and has especial interest as an 
^ Stith \s Viri^iftia^ Sabin's reprint, New York, 1865, P* 30* 


event in the beginnings alike of Virginia and of New Eng- 
land. Gosnold came to a region which some persons 
called Norumbega, but was soon to be known for a Pring, and 
few years as North Virginia, and always thereafter **y*"°*** 
as New England. It was he who first wrote upon the map 
the names Cape Cod and Martha's Vineyard, and the Eliza- 
beth Islands in what we call Buzzard's Bay. His return to 
England was the occasion of a fresh and strong renewal of 
interest in the business of what Hakluyt called "western 
planting." The voyage of Martin Pring to North Virginia, 
at the expense of sundry Bristol merchants, followed in 1603, 

Ax -y/^ 

and at the same time Bartholomew Gilbert, son of Sir Hum- 
phrey, coasted the shores of Chesapeake Bay, and was slain 
by the Indians with several of his men. Early in 1605 Cap- 
tain George Weymouth set out in a vessel equipped by the 
Earl of Southampton, Lord Arundel of Wardour, and Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, governor of the garrisons at Plymouth. 
After spending a month in North Virginia, Weymouth re- 
turned to England with five captive Indians, and the popular 
interest aroused by his arrival surpassed that which had 
been felt upon former occasions. 

The excitement over Virginia was promptly reflected upon 
the stage. The comedy of "Eastward Ho,** written by 
Chapman and Marston, with contributions from Ben Jonson, 
was acted in 1605 and published in the autumn of that year. 
The title is a survival of forms of speech current when 
America was believed to be a part of the oriental world. 
Some extracts from this play will serve to illustrate the pop- 
ular feeling. In the second act old Security, the « Eastward 
moneylender, is talking with young Frank Quick- ^°'" 
silver about the schemes of Sir Petronel Flash. Quicksilver 


says, " Well, dad, let him have money ; all he could anyway 
get is bestowed on a ship nowe bound for Virginia.'* Secu- 
rity replies, " Now a frank gale of wind go with him, Master 
Frank ! We have too few such knight adventurers. Who 
would not sell away competent certainties to purchase (with 
any danger) excellent uncertainties ? Your true knight ven- 
turer ever does it." In the next act a messenger enters. 

Messenger, Sir Petronel^ here are three or four gentlemen 
desire to speak with you. 

PetroneL What are they ? 

Quicksilver, They are your followers in this voyage, knight 
captain Seagull and his associates ; I met them this morning and 
told them you would be here. 

PetroneL Let them enter, I pray you. . .'. 

Enter Seagull, Spendall, and Scapethrift, 

Seagull, God save my honourable colonel ! 

PetroneL Welcome, good Captain Seagull and worthy gentle- 
men ; if you will meet my friend Frank here and me at the Blue 
Anchor tavern, by Billingsgate, this evening, we will there drink 
to our happy voyage, be merry, and take boat to our ship with 
all expedition. . . . 

Act III., Scene 2. Enter SeagulL Spendall, and Scapethrift 
in the Blue Anchor tavern^ with a Drawer, 

SeagulL Come, drawer, pierce your neatest hogsheads, and 
let 's have cheer, — not fit for your Billingsgate tavern, but for 
our Virginian colonel ; he will be here instantly. 

Drawer. You shall have all things fit, sir ; please you have 
any more wine ? 

SpendalL More wine, slave ! whether we drink it or no, spill 
it, and draw more. 

Scapethrift. Fill all the pots in your house with all sorts of 
liquor, and let 'em wait on us here like soldiers in their pewter 
coats ; and though we do not employ them now, yet we will main- 
tain 'em till we do. 

Drawer. Said like an honourable captain ; you shall have all 
you can command, sir. \^Exit Drawer. 

SeagulL Come boys, Virginia longs till we share the rest of 
her. . . . 


SpctidalL Why, is she inhabited already with any English ? 

Seagull, A whole country of English is there, bred of those 
that were left there in 79 [Here our dramatist's date is wrong ; 
White's colony, left there in 1587, is meant] ; they have married 
[continues Seagull] with the Indians . . . [who] are so in love 
with them that all the treasure they have they lay at their feet. 

Scapethrift. But is there such treasure there, Captain, as I 
have heard ? 

Seagull, I tell thee, gold is more plentiful there than copper 
is with us ; and for as much red copper as I can bring I '11 have 
thrice the weight in gold. Why, man, all their dripping-pans . . . 
are pure gold ; and all the chains with which they chain up their 
streets are massy gold ; all the prisoners they take are fettered 
in gold ; and for rubies and diamonds they go forth on holidays 
and gather 'em by the seashore to hang on their children's coats, 
and stick in their children's caps, as commonly as our children 
wear safTron-gilt brooches and groats with holes in 'em. 

Scapethrift. And is it a pleasant country withal } 

Seagull, As ever the sun shined on : temperate, and full of all 
sorts of excellent viands ; wild boar is as common there as our 
tamest bacon is here ; venison as mutton. And then you shall 
live freely there, without sergeants, or courtiers, or lawyers. . . . 
Then for your means to advancement, there it is simple and not 
preposterously mixed. You may be an alderman there, and 
never be scavenger ; you may be any other officer, and never be 
a slave. You may come to preferment enough, ... to riches 
and fortune enough, and have never the more \dllainy nor the 
less wit. Besides, there we shall have no more law than con- 
science, and not too much of either ; serve God enough, eat and 
drink enough, and enough is as good as a feast. 

Spendall, Gods me ! and how far is it thither ? 

Seagull, Some six weeks sail, no more, with any indifferent 
good wind. And if I get to any part of the coast of Africa, I '11 
sail thither with any wind ; or when I come to Cape Finisterre, 
there 's a fore-right wind continual wafts us till we come to Vir- 
ginia. See, our colonel 's come. 

Enter Sir Petronel Flash ivit/t his followers. 
Sir Petronel, We *11 have our provided supper brought aboard 
Sir Francis Drake's ship that hath compassed the world, where 


with full cups and banquets we will do sacrifice for a prosperous 

The great popularity of this play, both on the stage and 
in print, — for it went through four editions between Sep- 
tember and Christmas, — is an indication of the general 
curiosity felt about Virginia. The long war with Spain had 
lately been brought to an end by the treaty of 1604. It 
had left Spain so grievously weakened that the work of 
encroaching upon her American demesnes was immeasur- 
ably easier than in the days when Hawkins began it and 
Zuiiiga's Elizabeth connived at it. In a cipher despatch 
Pin-'' III ^^^^ ^^^ Spanish ambassador Zuftiga to his sov- 
ereign, Philip III., dated London, March 16, 1606, 
N. S., mention is made of an unpalatable scheme of the 
English : " They also propose to do another thing, which is 
to send five or six hundred men, private individuals of this 
kingdom, to people Virginia in the Indies, close to Florida. 
They sent to that country some small number of men in 
years gone by, and having afterwards sent again, they found 
a part of them alive." ^ In this reference to White's colony 
the Spaniard is of course mistaken ; no living remnant was 
ever found. He goes on to say that thB principal leader in 
this business is Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of 
England, who is a terrible Puritan ; and when reminded that 
this enterprise is an encroachment upon Spanish territory 
and a violation of the treaty, this astute judge says that he 
is only undertaking it in order to clear England of thieves 
and get them drowned in the sea. I have not yet complained 
of this to the king, says Zufiiga, but I shall do so. 

It was very soon after this despatch, on April 10, O. S., 
that James I. issued the charter under which P2ngland*s first 
First permanent colony was established. This memor- 

vkdn^iaf ^^^^ document begins by defining the territorial 
1606 limits of Virginia, which is declared to extend from 

the 34th to the 45th parallel of latitude, and from the sea- 

^ 77/ 1' Aficient British Dra7na. London, 18 10, vol. ii. 
- Brown's Genesis^ i. 46. 



■ - Z -^" 























shore one hundred miles inland. In a second charter, issued 
three years later, Virginia is described as extending from 
sea to sea, that is, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific. 
It is ni t likely that the king and his advisers understood 
the westward extension of the grant, as here specified, to be 
materially different from that mentioned in the first charter. 
The width of the continent between Chesapeake Bay and 
the valley of the St. Lawrence was supposed to be no 
greater than from one to two hundred miles. It is true 
that before the middle of the sixteenth century the expedi- 
tions of Soto and Coronado had proved the existence of a 
continuous mass of land from Florida to California, but 
many geographers believed that this continental mass termi- 
nated at the 40th parallel or even some degrees lower, and 
that its northern coast was washed by an enormous bay of 
the Pacific Ocean, called on old maps the Sea of ^^ .^ 

* The " Sea 

Verrazano. The coast land from Virginia to Lab- of verra- 
rador was regarded as a thin strip separating the 
two oceans after somewhat the same fashion as Central 
America, and hence the mouths and lower reaches of such 
broad rivers as the Hudson and the Delaware were mis- 
taken for straits. After one has traced the slow develop- 
ment of knowledge through the curious mingling of fact 
with fancy in the maps of Baptista Agnese published in 
1536, and that of Sebastian Munster in 1540, down to the 
map which Michael Lok made for Sir Philip Sidney in 1582, 
he will ha^' -* no difficulty in understanding either the lan- 
guage of the early charters or the fact that such a navi- 
gator as Henry Hudson should about this time have entered 
New York harbour in the hope of coming out upon the 
Pacific Oc'.an within a few days. Without such study of 
the old mj;;^s the stor>' often becomes incomprehensible. 

As for the northern and southern limits of Virginia, they 
were evidently prescribed with a view to arousing Northern 
as little antagonism as possible on the part of emUmitl' 
Spain and France. Expressed in terms of the of Virginia 
modern map, the 34th parallel cuts through the mouth of the 


Cape Fear River and passes just south of Columbia, the 
capital of South Carolina; while the 45th parallel is that 
which divides Vermont from Canada. English settlers were 
thus kept quite clear of the actual settlements of Spaniards 
in Florida, and would not immediately be brought into col- 
lision with the French friars and fur traders who were begin- 
ning to find their way up the St. Lawrence. 

The Virginia thus designated was to be open for coloniza- 
tion by two joint-stock companies, of which the immediate 
The twin members and such as should participate with them 
joint-stock in the enterprise should be called respectively 
and the ' the First Colony and the Second Colony. The 
First Colony was permitted to occupy the territory 
between the 34th and the 41st parallels, while the Second 
Colony was permitted to occupy the territory between the 
38th and the 4Sth parallels. It will thus be observed that 
the strip between the 38th and 41st parallels was open to 
both, but it was provided that neither colony should make 
a plantation or settlement within a hundred miles of any 
settlement already begun by the other. The elaborate inge- 
nuity of this arrangement is characteristic of James's little 
device-loving mind ; its purpose, no doubt, was to quicken the 
proceedings by offering to reward whichever colony should 
be first in the field with a prior claim upon the interv^ening 
region. The practical result was the division of the Virginia 
territory into three strips or zones. The southern zone, 
starting from the coast comprised between the mouth of the 
Cape Fear River and the mouth of the Potomac, was secured 
to the First Colony. The northern zone, starting from the 
coast comprised between the Bay of Fundy and Long Island 
Sound, was secured to the Second Colony. The middle zone, 
from the lower reaches of the Hudson River down to the 
mouth of the Potomac, was left open to competition between 
the two, with a marked advantage in favour of the one that 
should first come to be self-supporting. 

It is a curious fact that, although the actual course taken 
by the colonization of North America was very different 


from what was contemplated in this charter, nevertheless 
the division of our territory into the three zones The three 
just mentioned has happened to coincide with a AmeH^ 
real and_very important division that exists to-day. ^^is^o^y 
Of our original tKifteen states, those of New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut were founded 
in the northern zone, and within it their people have spread 
through central New York into the Far West. In the mid- 
dle zone, with the exception of a few northerly towns upon 
the Hudson, were made the beginnings of New York, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland. In the 
southern zone were planted Virginia, the Carolinas, and 
Georgia. Between the three groups the differences in local 
government have had much significance in the history of 
the American people. In the northern zone the township 
system of local government has prevailed, and in the south- 
ern zone the county system, while in the middle zone the 
mixed township and county system has exhibited various 
phases, here and there reaching a very high stage of develop- 

To return to King James's charter, the government which 
it provided for his two American colonies was such as he 
believed would prove simple and efficient. A Royal coverr- 
Council of Virginia, consisting of thirteen persons, ^^iJ^^ 
was created in London, and its members were to colonies 
be appointed by the king. It was to exercise a general 
supervision over the two colonies, but the direct management 
of affairs in each colony was to be entrusted to local resident 
councils. Each local council was to consist of thirteen per- 
sons, of whom one was to be president, with a casting vote. 
The council in London was to give the wheels of govern- 
ment a start by appointing the first members of the two 
colonial councils and designating that member of each who 
should serve as president for the first year. After that 
the vehicle was to run of itself ; the colonial council was to 
elect its president each year, and could depose him in case 
* See my Ctvi/ Govcninient in the United States^ chap. iv. 



of misconduct; it could also fill its own vacancies, arising 
from the resignation, deposition, departure, or death of any 
of its members. Power was given to the colonial council 
to coin money for trade between the colonies and with the 
natives, to invite and carry over settlers, to drive out intrud- 
ers, to punish malefactors, and to levy and collect duties 
upon divers imported goods. All lands within the two colo- 
nies were to be held in free and common socage, like the 
demesnes of the manor of East Greenwich, in t¥e' county of 
Kent ; and the settlers and their children forever were to 
enjoy all the liberties, franchises, and immunities enjoyed by 
Englishmen in England, — a clause which was practically 
nullified by the failure to provide for popular elections or 
any expression whatever of public opinion. The authority of 
the colonial councils was supreme within the colonies, but 
their acts were liable to a veto from the Crown. 

This first English attempt at making an outline of govern- 
ment for an English colony can never fail to be of interest. 
It was an experimental treatment of a wholly new and un- 
familiar problem, and, as we shall hereafter see, it was soon 
proved to be a very crude experiment, needing much mod- 
ification. For the present we are concerned with the names 
and characters of the persons to whom this ever-memorable 
charter was granted. 

The persons interested in the First Colony, in that south- 
ern zone which had been the scene of Raleigh's original 
Persons attempts, were represented by some eminent citi- 
chiefly in- zens of London and its neighbourhood, so that 

terested in , _ , , i i , 

the First they camc afterward to be commonly known as the 
thei!ondon London Company. The names mentioned in the 
Company charter are four : the Rev. Richard Hakluyt, who 
had lately been made a prebendary of Westminster ; Sir 
Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captain Edward 
Maria Wingfield. Gates was a Devonshire soldier who had 
been knighted in 1596 for brave conduct in the battle of 
Cadiz, and had afterward served in the Netherlands. Somers 
was a native of Dorsetshire, and had received knighthood for 




eminent services as commander in several naval expeditions 
against the Spaniards. Captain Edward Maria Wingfield, of 
Stoneley Priory, in Huntingdonshire, was of a very ancient 
and honourable Catholic family ; Queen Mary Tudor and 
Cardinal Pole had been sponsors for his father, which ac- 
counts for the feminine middle name ; he had served in the 
Netherlands and in Ireland ; among his near relatives, or 
connections by marriage, were Shakespeare's Earl of South- 
ampton, the lords Carew and Hervey, and John Winthrop, 
of Groton, afterwards governor of Massachusetts. But the 
name which, after Hakluyt's, has been perhaps most closely 
identified with the London Company is that of Sir Thomas 
Smith, the eminent London citizen who was its first trea- 
surer. From the time of his student days at Oxford Smith 
felt a strong interest in " western planting," and we have 
already met with his name on the list of those to whom Ra- 
leigh in 1589 assigned his trading interests in Virginia. He 
was knighted in 1596 for gallantry at Cadiz, was alderman 
and sheriff of London, and first governor of the East India 
Company in 1600. He was at various times a member of 
Parliament, served as ambassador to Russia, and was espe- 
cially forward in promoting Arctic discovery. He was one of 
those who sent Henry Hudson in 1610 upon his last fatal 
voyage, and it was under his auspices that William Baffin was 
sailing in 16 16 When he discovered that remote strait leading 
to the Polar Sea which has ever since been known as Smith's 
Sound. Few men of that time contributed more largely in 
time and money to the London Company than Sir Thomas 

The persons interested in the Second Colony, in that north- 
ern zone to which attention had recently been directed by 
the voyages of Gosnold, Pring, and Weymouth, persons 
were represented by certain gentlemen connected chiefly m- 

•11 . .iiir--T terested in 

with the western counties, especially by Sir rer- the Second 
dinando Gorges, governor of the garrison at Plym- Plymouth ^ 
outh in Devonshire, who was afterwards to be ^°"^P^"y 
Lord Proprietor of the Pro\dnce of Maine, and to play a part 


of some importance in the early history of New England. 
This company came to be known as the Plymouth Company. 
The four names mentioned in the charter are Raleigh Gil- 
_bert, William Parker, Thomas Hanham, and George Popham, 
The name of the first of these gentlemen tells its own story ; 



he was a younger son of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and named 
for his uncle. William Parker was son and heir of Lord 
Morley, and commonly known by his courtesy title as Lord 
Monteagle. It was he who received the anonymous letter 
which led to the detection of the Gunpowder Plot, in which 
his wife's brother was concerned. George Popham was a 




nephew,^ and Thomas Hanham was a grandson, of Sir John 
Popham, Chief Justice of the King's Bench. They were a 
Somersetshire family. In securing the charter incorporat- 
ing the London and Plymouth companies nobody was more 
active or influential than the chief justice, whom we have 
seen singled out for mention by the Spanish ambassador. 

* He is commonly but incorrectly called the brother of the chief 



Among other persons especially interested in the coloniza- 
tion of Virginia^ one should mention George Abbot, Master 
othar emi- ^ University College, Oxford, one of the translators 
n^^P?- of the common version of the Bible, afterwards 

MHis inter* 

estedinthe Archbishop of Canterbury ; and Sir Julius Caesar, 
member of Parliament for Westminster and Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer, son of Julius Caesar Adelmare, Queen 
Elizabeth's Italian physician ; his strong interest in maritime 
discovery and western planting may have been due to the 
fact that, after the death of his father and whUe he was still 
a child, his mother married the celebrated geographer. Dr. 
Michael Lok. We should not forget Sir Maurice Berkeley, 
two of whose sons we shall meet hereafter, one of them, Sir 
William Berkeley, the most conspicuous figure among the 

royal governors of 
■ Virginia, the other, 
Lord Berkeley of 
Stratton, one of the 
proprietors of Caro- 
lina. An important 
subscriber to the com- 
pany was Sir Anthony 
A shley, grandfather 
of the famous Earl 
of Shaftesbury, who 
^ was also one of the 
Carolina proprietors ; 
another was William 
Herbert, Earl of Pem- 
broke, nephew of 
Sir Philip Sidney and 
devoted friend of 
Shakespeare ; another 
was Sir Henry Gary, father of the pure and high-minded 
statesman, Lucius, Viscount Falkland. Of more importance 
for Virginian history than any of the foregoing was Sir 
Edwin Sandys, son of Edwin Sandys, Archbishop of York. 



Sir Edwin was a pupil of the great Richard Hooker, and 
learned from him principles of toleration little understood in 
that age. After his travels on the continent he published in 
1605 a treatise entitled " Europae Speculum, a relation of the 
state of religion in . . . these Western Parts of the World ; " 
its liberal opinions gave so much offence that about four 
months after its publication it was burned in St. Paul's 
Churchyard by order of the Court of High Commission. At 
that very time Sandys was one of the most admired and 
respected members of the House of Commons, and it was 
on his motipn that the House first began keeping a regular 
journal of its transactions. He was associated with Sir 
Francis Bacon in drawing up the remonstrance against King 
James's behaviour toward Parliament. In later years he 
was an active friend of the Mayflower Pilgrims and gave 
them valuable aid in setting out upon their enterprise. But 
his chief title to historic fame consists in the fact that it 
was under his auspices and largely through his exertions 
that free representative government was first established in 
America. How this came about will be shown in a future 
chapter. For the present we may note that at least half 
a dozen of his immediate family were subscribers to the 
London Company ; one of his brothers had for godfather 
Sir Thomas Lucy of Charlecote Hall, the Puritan knight 
who figures as Justice Shallow in the " Merry Wives of 
Windsor ; " there were at least two intermarriages between 
this Sandys family and that of Lawrence Washington of 
Sulgrave, ancestor of George Washington. It is pleasant 
to trace the various connections, near and remote, whether 
in blood-relationship or in community of interests and pur- 
poses, between the different personages of a great era that 
has passed away ; for the more we come to discern in its 
concrete details the intricate web of associations running in 
all directions among the men and events of the vanished age, 
the more vividly is that age reproduced in our minds, the 
closer does it come to the present, the more keenly does it 
enlist our sympathies. As we contemplate the goodly array 


here brought forward of personages concerned in the first 
planting of an English nation in America, the inquiry as to 
what sort of men they were, for intelligence and character, is 
one that can be answered with satisfaction. 
* In kccordiance with the provisions of the charter, both 
London and Plymouth companies made haste to organize 
expeditions for planting their colonies in the New World. 
The London Company was the first to be ready, but before 
we follow its adventures a word about the Plymouth Com- 
pany seems called for. On the last day of May, 1607, two 
ships — the Gift of God, commanded by George Popham, 
and the Mary and John, commanded by Raleigh 
^St " Gilbert — set sail from Plymouth with a hundred 
c^Si^; settlers. In August, after some exploration of the 
S2 Po^ coast, they selected a site by the mouth of the Ken- 
ham Col- nebec River, and built there a rude fort with twelve 
^ g^ns, a storehouse and church, and a few cabins. 

They searched diligently but in vain for traces of gold or 
silver; the winter brought with it much hardship, theif 
storehouse was burned down, and Captain Popham died. In 
the spring a ship which arrived with supplies from England 
brought the news of two deaths, that of Chief Justice Pop- 
ham, and that of Gilbert's elder brother, to whose estates he 
was heir. The enterprise was forthwith abandoned and all 
returned to England with most discouraging reports. The 
further career of the Plymouth Company does not at present 
concern us. It never achieved any notable success. When 
the colonization of New England was at length accomplished 
it was in a manner that was little dreamed of by the king 
who granted or the men who obtained the charter of 1606. 

The expedition fitted out by the London Company was in 
readiness a little before Christmas, 1606, and was placed 
Expedition Under command of Captain Christopher Newport, 
doi^'com"' ^he stout sailor who had brought in the great Span- 
P*">' ish carrack for Raleigh. He was one of the most 

skilful and highly esteemed officers in the English navy. Of 
the three ships that were to go to Virginia his was the Susan 


Constant. The Godspeed was commanded by Bartholomew 
Gosnold, and the Discovery by John Ratcliff e. Besides their 
crews, the three ships carried 105 colonists. By some queer 
freak of policy the names of the persons appointed to the 
colonial council were carried in a sealed box, not to be opened 
until the little squadron should arrive at its destination. An 
important paper of instructions was drawn up for the use of 
the officers on landing. Hakluyt was commonly called upon 
to prepare such documents, and the style of this one sounds 
like him. The suggestions are those of a man who under- 
stood the business.^ 

** When it shall please God to send you on the coast of 
Virginia, you shall do your best endeavour to find out a safe 
port in the entrance of some navigable river, mak- , 

r , . - , t r 1 . Instnic- 

mg choice of such a one as runneth farthest mto tionstothe 
the land. . . . When you have made choice of the 
river on which you mean to settle, be not hasty in landing 
your victuals and munitions, but first let Captain Newport 
discover how far that river may be found navigable, that you 
make election of the strongest, most wholesome and fertile 
place, for if you make many removes, besides the loss of 
time, you shall greatly spoil your victuals and your casks. 

" But if you choose your place so far up as a bark of 50 
tons will float, then you may lay all your provisions ashore 
with ease, and the better receive the trade of all where to 
the countries about you in the land ; and such a siir^oA 
place you may perchance find a hundred miles from ^o^" 
the river's mouth, and the further up the better, for if you 
sit down near the entrance, except it be in some island that 
is strong by nature, an enemy that may approach you on 
even ground may easily pull you out ; and \i. c, but] if he be 
driven to seek you a hundred miles the [/. e. injland in boats, 
you shall from both sides of the river where it is narrowest, 
so beat them with your muskets as they shall never be able 
to prevail against you." 

^ The original is in the MS. Minutes of the London Company, in the 
Librar)' of Con<^Tess. 2 vols, folio. 


That the enemy in the writer's mind was the Spaniard is 
clearly shown by the next paragraph, which refers expressly 
to the massacre of the Huguenot colony in F*lorida and the 
vengeance taken by Dominique de Gourgues. 

" And to the end that you be not surprised as the French 
were in Florida by Melindus [/. e, Menendez] and the Span- 
Precau- iard in the same place by the French, you shall do 
against a ^^ ^^ make this double provision : first erect a 
surprise little store at the mouth of the river that may lodge 
some ten men, with whom you shall leave a light boat, that 
when any fleet shall be in sight they may come with speed 
to give you warning. Secondly, you must in no case suffer 
any of the native people to inhabit between you and the sea- 
coast, for you cannot carry yourselves so towards them but 
they will grow discontented with your habitation, and be 
ready to guide and assist any nation that shall come to in- 
vade you ; and if you neglect this you neglect your safety. 

" You must observe if you can whether the river on which 
you plant doth spring out of mountains or out of lakes. If 
You must it be out of any lake the passage to the other 
thi^ Pacific ^^^ \}' '• ^^^ Pacific Ocean] will be the more easy ; 
Ocean '^x\(\ [it] is likc cHOugh that out of the same lake 
you shall find some [rivers] spring which run the contrary 
way toward the East India Sea, for the great and famous 
rivers of Volga, Tanais, and Dwina have three heads near 
joined, and yet the one falleth into the Caspian Sea, the 
other into the Kiixine Sea, and the third into the Polonian 

** . . . Vou must have great care not to offend the nat- 
urals, if you can eschew it, and emj)l()y some few of your 
Do not company to trade with them for corn and all other 
n,^five>. or lasting victuals . . . , and this you must do before 
t^rult"ir^^ that they perceive you mean to plant among them, 
them . . . \o\\x discoverers that pass over land with 

hired guides must look well to them that they slip not from 
them, and for more assurance let them take a compass with 
them, and write down how^ far they go upon every point of 


the compass, for that country having no way or path, if that 
your guides run from you in the great woods or desert, you 
shall hardly ever find a passage back. And how weary 
soever your soldiers be, let them never trust the country 
people with the carriage of their weapons, for if they run from 
you with your shot which they only fear, they will easily 
kill thein \i, e. you] all with their arrows. And whensoever 
any of yours shoots before them, be sure that they be chosen 
out of your best marksmen, for if they see your learners 
miss what they aim at, they will think the weapon not so 
terrible, and thereby will be bold to assault you. 

" Above all things, do not advertise the killing of any of 
your men [so] that the country people may know it. If 
they perceive that they are but common men, and conceal 
that with the loss of many of theirs they may dimin- yo^liTw^k- 
ish any part of yours, they will make many adven- »^*«s 
tures upon you. . . . You shall do well also not to let them 
see or know of your sick men, if you have any. . . . 

" You must take especial care that you choose a seat for 
habitation that shall not be overburthened with ^^^^^^^ 
woods near your town, for all the men you have woodland 

1 ,,111 1 coverts 

shall not be able to cleanse twenty acres a year, 

besides that it may serv^e for a covert for your enemies 

round about. 

" Neither must you plant in a low or moist place, because 
it will prove unhealthful. You shall judge of the good air 
by the people, for some part of that coast where ^^qj^j 
the lands are low have their people blear eyed, and niaii*"a 
with swollen bellies and legs, but if the naturals be strong 
and clean made it is a true sign of a wholesome soil. 

" You must take order to draw up the pinnace that is left 
with you under the fort, and take her sails and ^^^^ 
anchors ashore, all but a small kedge to ride by, against 
lest some ill-disposed persons slip away with her." 

The document contains many other excellent suggestions 
and directions, two or three of which will suffice for the pur- 
poses of our narrative. 


" Seeing order is at the same price with confusion it shall 
be ad\'isablv done to set vour houses e\-en and by 

Build your ,. . "^ ' , , , , , 

town care- a line, that your streets may have a good breadth 
** ^ and be carried square about your market-place, and 

ever)' street's end opening into it, that from thence with 

a few fickl-pieccs you may command every street through- 
out. . . . 

" You shall do well to send a perfect relation by Captain 
Newport of all that is done, what height you are seated, 



how far into the land, what commodities you find, what soil, 
woods and their several kinds, and so of all other ^ 

Do not 

things else, to advertise particularly ; and to suffer send home 
no man to return but by passport from the Presi- wura^ng 
dent and Council, nor to write [in] any letter of ^^^ 
anything that may discourage others. 

" Lastly and chiefly, the way to prosper and achieve good 
success is to make your- 
selves all of one mind Wf ?Sr'',| ^^;v'J 
for the good of your 
country and your own, 
and to serve and fear 
God, the Giver of all 
goodness, for every plan- 
tation which our Heav- 
enly Father hath not 
planted shall be rooted 

The allusion to the 
Florida tragedy, in this 
charming paper, was by 
no means ill considered. 
For in March, 1607, ^he 
King of Spain wrote from 
Madrid to Zuftiga in 
London as follows : " You 
will report to me what 

the English are doing in the matter of Virginia ; and if the 
plan progresses which they contemplated, of send- what 
ing men there and ships ; and thereupon it will be fh^Jght 
taken into consideration here what steps had best ^^ ^^ 
be taken to prevent it." ^ A few days after this letter Philip 
in. held a meeting with his council to discuss measures 
which boded no good to Captain Newport's little company. 
We do not know just what was said and done, but we hardly 
need to be told that the temper of Spain was notably changed 
^ Brown's Genesis^ i. 91. 


in the £ori:y-two years since Menendez's deed of blood. How 
to ruin the Virginia enterprise without coming to blows with 
England was now the humbler problem for Spain to solve, 
and it was not an easy one. 

Meanwhile Newport's little fleet was half way on its 
voyage. It started down the Thames from Blackwall on the 
19th of December, but by reason of **un prosperous winds " 
A poet it %vas obliged to keep its moorings **all in the 
foiijlwdi'* Downs/* as in the ballad of ** Black-eyed Susan/* 
bluing until New Year's Day, 1607, when it finally got 
under way. A farewell blessing was wafted to them in 
Michael Drayton*s quaint stanzas : ^ — 

^ You brave berok minds, 
Worthy your counirj's name. 

That honour slill pursue. 

Go and subdue, 
Whilst loitering hinds 
Lurk here at honxe with shame. 

»♦ Britons, you stay too long. 
Quickly aboard bestow you, 

And with a merry gale 

Swell your stretched sail, 
With vows as strung 
As the winds that blow you. 

" Your course securely steer, 
West and by South forth keep ; 

Rocks, lee shores, nor shoals, 

When iEolus scowls, 
You need not fear, 
So absolute the deep. 

" And cheerfully at sea 
Success you still entice, 

To get the pearl and gold, 

And ours to hold 
Earth's only paradise ! 

1 Drayton's Works^ London, 1620. Drayton was afterwards poet 


" Where nature hath in store 
Fowl, venison, and fish ; 

And the fruitfuU'st soil 

Without your toil, 
Three harvests more, 
All greater than you wish. 

** And the ambitious vine 
Crowns with his purple mass 

The cedar reaching high 

To kiss the sky, 
The cypress, pine. 
And useful sassafras, 

•• To whose, the Golden Age 
Still nature's laws doth give ; 

No other cares that tend. 

But them to defend 
From winter's age, 
That long there doth not live. 

" When as the luscious smell 
Of that delicious land, 

Above the seas that flows 

The clear wind throws 
Your hearts to swell, 
Approaching the dear strand. 

"In kenning of the shore 
(Thanks to God first given) 

O you, the happiest men 

Be frolic then ; 
Let cannons roar, 
Frighting the wide heaven. 

" And in regions farre, 
Such heroes bring ye forth 

As those from whom we came ; 

And plant our name 
Under that star 
Not known unto our north. 

" And as there plenty grows 
Of laurel everywhere, 


ApoUo*s sacred tree, 

Vou it may sec, 
A poet's brows 
To crown, thai may sing there. 

** Th)* voyages attend. 
Industrious HakJuyt, 

Whose reading shall inflame 
^len to seek fame, 
And much commend 
To after times thy wit'* 

With such omen sailed from merry England the men who 
were to make the beginnings of the United States of Amer- 
ica, What they found and how they fared in the paradise 
of Virginia shall be the theme of our next chapter 




While Captain Christopher Newport, with the ships of 
the London Company, is still in mid-ocean, and the seal of 
the king's casket containing the names of Virginia's first 
rulers is still unbroken, we may pause for a moment in our 
narrative, to bestow a few words upon the early career of the 
personage that is next to come upon the scene, — a man 
whose various and wild adventures have invested the home- 
liest of English names with a romantic interest that captain 
can never die. The life of Captain John Smith John Smith 
reads like a chapter from "The Cloister and the Hearth." It 
abounds in incidents such as we call improbable in novels, 
although precedents enough for every one of them may be 
found in real life. The accumulation of romantic adventures 
in the career of a single individual may sometimes lend an 
air of exaggeration to the story; yet in the genius for get- 
ting into scrapes and coming out of them sound and whole, 
the differences between people are quite as great as the dif- 
ferences in stature and complexion. John Smith evidently 
had a genius for adventures, and he lived at a time when one 
would often meet with things such as nowadays seldom 
happen in civilized countries. In these days of Pullman cars 
and organized police we are liable to forget the kind of perils 
that used to dog men's footsteps through the world. The 
romance of human life has by no means disappeared, but 'it 
has somewhat changed its character since the Elizabethan 
age, and is apt to consist of different kinds of incidents, so 
that the present ,2jc-ntTation has witnessed a tendency to dis- 
believe many stories of the older time. In the case of John 


Smith, for whose early life we have little else but his autobi- 
ography to go by, much incredulity has been expressed.^ To 
set him down as an arrant braggadocio would seem to some 
critics essential to their reputation for sound sense. Such 
a judgment, however, may simply show that the critic has 
failed to realize all the conditions of the case. Queer things 
could happen in the Tudor times. Lord Campbell tells us that 
Sir John Popham, when he was a law-student in the Middle 
Temple, used after nightfall to go out with his pistols and 
take purses on Hounslow Heath, partly to show that he was 
a young man of spirit, partly to recruit his meagre finances, 
impaired by riotons living.^ This amateur highwayman lived 
to become Chiei J astice of England. The age in which such 
things could be done was that in which John Smith grew to 

A Latin entry in the parish register at Willoughby in Lin- 
colnshire shows that he received infant baptism in the church 
there on the 9th of January, 1580. After the death of his 
parents, an irrepressible craving for adventure led him at an 
early age to France, where he served as a soldier for a while 
His early ^"^ afterwards spent three years in the Nether- 
^>^e lands fighting against the Spaniards. In the year 

1600 he returned to Willoughby, *' where within a short 
time, being glutted with too nuicb com|)any wherein he took 
small delight, he retired himself into a little woody pasture 
a good wa)' from any town, enxironed with many hundred 
acres of woods. Here by a fair brook he built a pavilion of 
boughs where only in his clothes he lay. His study was 
Machiavelli's Art of War and Marcus Aurelius ; his e.xercise 
a good horse, with lance and ring ; his food was thought to 

^ Some skepticism was manifested by one of Smith's contemporaries, 
Thomas Fuller, wlio says, in his Worthies of Kfti^'I<i?id, '• It soundeth 
mucli to the diminution of his deeds that he ah)ne is the herald to pub- 
lish and proclaim them." The <;ood Fuller was mistaken, however. 
Some of Smith's most striking deeds, as we shall see, were first pro- 
chiimed by others. 

^ Campbell's Li7'es of t/w Cliief Justices, i. 210. 


be more of venison than anything else."^ However, he adds, 
these hermit-like pleasures could not content him long. " He 
was desirous to see more of the world, and try his fortune 
against the Turks ; both lamenting and repenting to have 
seen so many Christians slaughtering one another." In 
passing through France he was robbed of all he had about 
him, but his life was saved by a peasant who found him lying 
in the forest, half dead with hunger and grief and nearly 
frozen. He made his way to Marseilles, and embarked with 
a company of pilgrims for the Levant ; but a violent storm 
arose, which they said was all because of their having this 
heretic on board, and so, like Jonah, the ^'oung adventurer 
was thrown into the sea. He was a good'swimmer, however, 
and " God brought him," he says, to a little island with no 
inhabitants but a few kine and goats. Next morning he was 
picked up by a Breton vessel which carried him as far as 
Egypt and Cyprus. The commanding officer. Captain La 
Roche, who knew some of Smith's friends in F^rance, treated 
him with great kindness and consideration. On . . . 

*=* A cruise m 

their return voyage, at the entrance of the Adri- the Medi- 
atic Sea, a Venetian argosy fired upon them, and a 
hot fight ensued, until the Venetian struck her colours. The 
Bretons robbed her of an immense treasure in silks and vel- 
vets, besides Turkish gold and silver coin, as much as they 
could carry without overloading their own ship, and then let 
her go on her way. When the spoil was divided, Smith was 
allowed to share with the rest, and thus received ;^225 in 
coin besides a box of stuffs worth nearly as much more. 
After Captain La Roche, of whom he speaks with warm 
affection, had set him ashore in Piedmont, he made a com- 
fortable journey through Italy as far as Naples, and seems 
to have learned much and enjoyed himself in "sight seeing,'* 
quite like a modern traveller. At Rome he saw Pope 
Clement VHI. with several cardinals creeping on hands and 

1 This sketch of Smith's early life is based upon his Trite Travels^ 
etc., in his Works, edited by Edward Arber, Birmingham, 1884, pp. 



knees up the Holy Staircase. He called on Father Parsons, 
the famous English Jesuit ; he ** satisfied himself with the 
rarities of Rome;" he visited in like manner Florence and 
Bologna, and gradually made his way to Venice, and so on to 
Gratz in Styria, where he entered the service of the Emperor 
Rudolph H., and was presently put in command of a com- 
pany of 250 cavalry with the rank of captain. On one occa- 
sion he made himself useful by devising a system of signals, 
and on another occasion by inventing a kind of rude missiles 
which he called " fiery dragons," which sorely annoyed the 
Turks by setting fire to their camp. 

During the years 1601 and 1602 Smith saw much rough 

nvi EncounUr mith TViLBASlTASf (f/J^/* 7- 

1 Ml. » IKM C I >.M1;A 1 

campaigning. The troop to which his C(M-njxiny belonged 
passed into the service of Sigismund ^ Bathori, Prince of 
Transylvania ; and now comes the most notable incident in 
Smith's narrative. The Transylvanians were besieging Re- 
gal, one of their towns which the Turks had occupied, and 

^ For a Lcood sketch of Si_u:isnuincl and liis relations to the Empire 
and to the Turks, see Schlosser's lVtIti^tscJiiJitt\ vol. xiii. pp. 325-344. 



fj ha Ft T ' 

C ^0p. 7 


the siege made but little progress, so that the barbarians 
from the top of the wall hurled down sarcasms upon their 
assailants and complained of growing fat for lack of exercise. 
One day a Turkish captain sent a challenge, declaring that 
" in order to delight the ladies, who did long to see some 
court-like pastime, he did defy any captain that had ^. , 
the command of a company, who durst combat with Turks' 
him for his head." The challenge was accepted *^ "* 
by the Christian army, it was decided to select the cham- 
pion by lot, and the lot fell upon Smith. A truce was 
proclaimed for the single combat, the besieging army was 
drawn up in battle array, the town walls were crowded w^ith 
veiled dames and turbaned warriors, the combatants on their 
horses politely exchanged salutes, and then rushed at each 
other with levelled lances. At the first thrust Smith killed 
the Turk, and dismounting unfastened his helmet, cut off 
his head, and carried it to the commanding general, Moses 
Tzekely, who accepted it graciously. The Turks were so 
chagrined that one of their captains sent a personal chal- 
lenge to Smith, and next day the scene was repeated. This 


time both lances were shivered and recourse was had to 
pistols, the Turk received a ball which threw him to the 
ground, and then Smith beheaded him. Some time after- 
ward our victorious champion sent a message into the town 
"that the ladies might know he was not so much enam- 
oured of their servants* heads, but if any Turk of their rank 
would come to the place of combat to redeem them, he 
should have his also upon the like conditions, if he could win 
it." The defiance was accepted. This time the Turk, hav- 
ing the choice of weapons, chose battle-axes and pressed 
Smith so hard that his axe flew from his hand, whereat loud 
cheers arose from the ramparts ; but with a quick movement 
of his horse he dodged his enemy's next blow, and drawing 
his sword gave him a fearful thrust in the side which settled 
the affair ; in another moment Smith had his head. At a 
later time, after Prince Sigismund had heard of these ex- 
ploits, he granted to Smith a coat-of-arms with three Turks* 
heads in a shield. 

This story forcibly reminds us that the Middle Ages, 
which had completely passed away from France and Italy, 
the Netherlands and England, still survived at the begin- 
ning of the seventeenth century in the eastern parts of 
Europe. In the Middle Ages such "court-like pastime," 
in the intervals of relaxation from more serious warfare, was 
not unfashionable. Still, thouLijh the incidents are by no 
means incredible, the story has enough of the look of an 
old soldier's yarn to excuse a moment's doubt of it. Surely 
here if anywhere Smith may seem to be drawing the 1-ong 
bow\ Rut at the Heralds' College in London, in the official 
register of grants of arms, there is an entry in Latin which 
does not sustain such a doubt. It is the record of a coat-of- 
arms granted by Sigismund Hathori, Prince of Transylvania, 
The entry " to Johu Smith, Captain of 250 soldiers, etc. . . . 
ViJraMs' ^^ memory of three Turks' heads which with his 
ciiei^c sword before the town of Re«;al he did overcome, 
kill, and cut off, in the province of Transylvania." ^ The 
^ Smith's IVorks, ed. Arber, pp. .vxii., 842. 


document on record, which contains this mention of the 
grant, is a letter of safe conduct dated December 9, 1603, 
signed by Sigismund at Leipsic and given by him to Smith. 
The entry is duly approved, and the genuineness of Sigis- 
mund*s seal and signature certified, by Sir William Segar, 
Garter King at Arms. Some critics have suggested that 
Smith may have imposed upon Segar with a bogus document, 


and since the entry at the Heralds* College was made in 
1625, it is urged that such a long delay in registering invests 
the whole affair with suspicion. 

The document, however, cannot be thus summarily set 
aside. In the year 1625 Rev. Samuel Purchas published 
the second volume of his delightful " Pilgrimes," ^ and in the 
course of it he devotes several pages to Captain Smith's 
adventures in the east of Kurope, including the story of the 
three Turks as above given. Purchas's authority for the 
story was "a Booke intituled The Warres of Transylvania, 
Wallachi, and Moldavia," written in Italian by Francesco 
^ Purchas, His Pilgrimes. ii. 1363. 


Farnese, secretary to Prince Sigismund. This history seems 
never to have been published in its original form, 
manuscript and the manuscript is now apparently lost,^ but 
** ^^ there can be no doubt that Purchas had it, or a 
copy of it, in his hands about 1623. Smith's own book 
entitled " True Travels " was not published until 1629, so 
that our original authority for this passage at arms is not 
Smith himself, but one of Prince Sigismund's secretaries, who 
first told the story of the English captain's exploit in a book 
written for Italian readers. To the flippant criticism which 
treats Smith as a vapouring braggart, this simple fact is a 
staggering blow between the eyes. Let me add that in his 
way of telling his tale there is no trace of boastfulness.* 
P'or freedom from egotistic self-consciousness Smith's writ- 
ings remind me strongly of such books as the Memoirs of 
General Grant. Inaccuracies that are manifest errors of 
memory now and then occur, prejudices and errors of judg- 
ment here and there confront us, but the stamp of honesty 
I find on every page. 

At the bloody battle of Rothenthurm, November 18, 1602, 
Smith was taken prisoner and sold into slavery. At Con- 
Sniith is stantlnoplc the lady Charatza Tragabigzanda, into 
sold a:* a thc scrvicc of whose family he j)assed, was able to 
talk with him in Italian and treated him with kind- 
ness. One can read between the lines that she may per- 
haps have cherished a tender feeling for the young Knglish- 
man, or that he may have thought so. It would not have 
been strange. Smith's ]x)rtrait, as engraved and published 
during his lifetime, is that of an attractive and noble-looking 

' So many lon;^ niissin*^^ liistorical documents liave turned up of late 
years that it is never safe to assert that one is - lost.'' That great 
scholar, Don Pascual de (iayan^os, seems to have seen a printed Span- 
ish translation of Farnese's hook, hut I do not know where it is. 

- It would be just like Smith. 1 think, not to make much account of 
his exploit. Hence he neii:lected to make any record of his grant of 
arms until the ai)pearance of Purchas's hook in 1625, and resulting 
talks among friends. ])robably impressed upon him the desirableness 
of makiniJ such a record. 


man. His brief narrative does not make it clear how he 
regarded the lady, or what relations they sustained to each 
other, but she left an abiding impression upon his memory. 
When in 16 14 he explored the coast of New England he 
gave the name Tragabigzanda to the cape which Prince 
Charles afterwards named Cape Anne, and the three little 
neighbouring islands he called the Turks* Heads. 

The narrative is far from satisfying us as to the reasons 
why Smith was sent away from Constantinople. To the east 
of the Sea of Azov, and bordering on the Cossack country, 
was a territory which Gerard Mercator calls Nalbrits, and 
Timour, the Pasha of Nalbrits, was brother to the lady. 
Tragabigzanda. Thither she sent him, with a request that 
he should be well treated ; but the rude Pasha paid no heed 
to his sister's message, and our young hero was treated as 
badly as the other slaves, of whom this tyrant had many. 
"Among these slavish fortunes," says Smith, "there was 
no great choice ; for the best was so bad, a dog and cmeiiy 
could hardly have lived to endure [it]." He was ^'"^^"^ 
dressed in the skin of a wild beast, had an iron collar fas- 
tened around his neck, and was cuffed and kicked about 
until he grew desperate. One day, as he was threshing 
wheat in a lonely grange more than a league distant from 
Timour's castle, the Pasha came in and reviled and struck 
him, whereupon Smith suddenly knocked him down with his 
threshing-stick and beat his brains out. Then he stripped 
the body and hid it under the straw, dressed up in the dead 
man's clothes and mounted his horse, tied a sack of grain to 
his saddle-bow, and galloped off into the Scythian desert. 
The one tormenting fear was of meeting some roving party 
of Turks who might recognize the mark on his iron collar 
and either send him back to his late master's place 

, , . , . T» • . His escape 

or enslave hmi on their own account. But m six- 
teen days of misery he saw nobody ; then he arrived at a 
Russian fortress on the Don and got rid of his badge of 
slavery. He was helped on his way from one Russian town 
to another, and everywhere treated most kindly. Through 


the Polish country he went, finding by the wayside much 
mirth and entertainment, and then through Hungary and 
Bohemia, until at length he reached Leipsic, where he found 
Prince Sigismund. It was then, in December, 1603, that he 
obtained the letter of safe conduct already mentioned In 
the course of the next year Smith travelled in Germany, 
P>ance, Spain, and Morocco, and after some further adven- 
and return turcs made his way back to England in the nick of 
to England ^j^^^ j^j. ^^king part in the enterprise projected by 
the London Company. Meeting with Newport and Gos- 
nold, and other captains who had visited the shores of Amer- 
ica, it was natural that his strong geographical curiosity 
should combine with his love of adventure to urge him to 
share in the enterprise. 

The brevity of Smith's narrations now and then leaves 
the story obscure. Like many another charming old writer, 
he did not always consult the convenience of the histori- 
ans of a later age. So much only is clear, that during the 
voyage across the Atlantic the seeds of quarrel were sown 
which bore fruit in much bitterness and wrangling after the 
colonists had landed. Indeed, after nearly three 

The smoke . , r , n- -n i 

ofcontro- ccntuncs somc smoke of the conflict still hovers 
^"^^ about the field. To this day John Smith is one of 

the personages about whom writers of history are apt to lose 
their tempers. In recent days there have been many at- 
tempts to belittle him, but tlie turmoil that has been made 
is itself a tribute to the potency and incisiveness of his char- 
acter. Weak men do not call forth such belligerency. Amid 
all the conflicting statements, too, there comes out quite 
distinctly the contemporary recognition of his dignity and 
purity. Never was warrior known, says one old writer, 
"from debts, wine, dice, and oaths so f ree ; " ^ a staunch 
Puritan in morals, though not in doctrine. 

Captain Newport's voyage was a long one, for he fol- 
lowed the traditional route, first running down to the Canary 
^ Thomas Carlton's verses, in Smith's Works, ed. Arber, p. 692. 

(^pTke/e are ^€ Lints tlmtjluw tkyThC€;iiJt tk^ 
CZ%f FatrC'Bifcifmi'ies and J^awfc- Overtlw^wes 

Mcjijhcw thj Sptri^;and J» it GtorjT (Wfnk_ 

S&^tfwti artBral?c withoutfiut Qotat Wimin. - 

-yor (SmiiS' 


Islands and then following Columbus's route, wafted by the 
trade wind straight across to the West Indies. It a tedious 
seems strange that he should have done so, for the ^°^*^ 
modem method of great-circle sailing, — first practised on a 
great scale by Americus Vespucius, in 1502, in his superb 
voyage of 4,cxx) miles in 33 days, from the ice-clad island 
of South Georgia to Sierra Leone,^ — this more scientific 
method had lately been adopted by Captain Gosnold, who 
in 1602 crossed directly from the English Channel to Cape 
Cod. As Gosnold was now second in command in this ex- 
pedition to Virginia, it would seem as if the shorter route 
might once more have been tried to advantage. So many 
weeks upon the ocean sadly diminished the stock of provi- 
sions. In the course of the voyage some trouble arose 
between Smith and Wingfield, and while they were stopping 
at Dominica, on the 24th of March, an accusation of plot- 
ting mutiny was brought against the former, so that he was 
kept in irons until the ships reached Virginia. After leav- 
ing the West Indies they encountered bad weather and lost 
their reckoning, but the 26th of April brought them to the 
cape which was forthwith named Henry, after the 

T% . r ^»r t ^ • r AmVal IB 

rnnce of Wales, as the opposite cape was after- chesa- 
wards named for his younger brother. Prince p^ ® ^^^ 
Charles. A few of the company ventured on shore, where 
they were at once attacked by Indians and two were badly 
wounded with arrows. That evening the sealed box was 
opened, and it was found that Bartholomew Gosnold, Edward 
Wingfield, John Smith, John Ratcliffe, John Martin, and 
George Kendall were api)ointed members of the Council, — 
six in all, of whom the president was to have two votes. As 
the ships proceeded into Hampton Roads after so much 
stress of weather, they named the promontory at the en- 
trance Point Comfort.2 The name of the broad river which 

* See my Discovery of America, ii. 105. 

2 It seems likely that the point at the upper end of the Roads 
received its name of Newport News from the fjallant captain. On 
several old maps I have found it spelled Newport Ness, which is equiv- 
alent to Point Newport. 

of James- 
tcjw n ; 



the voyagers now entered speaks for itself. They scruti* 
nized the banks until they found a spot which seemed suited 
for a setttenient, and there they landed on the 1 3th of May, 
It was such a place as the worthy Hakluyt (or whoever wrote 
their letter of instructions) had emphatically warned them 
against, low and damp, and liable to prove malarious.^ At 
high tide the rising waters half covered the little peninsula, 
but in this there was an element of militar)^ security, for 
the narrow neck was easy to guard, and perhaps it may have 
been such considerations that prevailed. Smith saj^s there 
was E dispute between Wingfield and Gosnold over the selec- 
tion of this site. As soon a^. the company had landed here 
the members of the Council, all save Smith, wtre sworn into 
Founding office, and then they chose Wingfield for their 
president for thi y^ar. On the next day the 
men went to work at building their fort, a wooden 
structure of triangular shape, with a demi-lune at 
each angle, mounting cL.irul*il They called it Fort James, 
but soon the settlemen^ '^ . to be known as Jamestown.^ 
For a church they nailc . bjard between two trees to serve 
as a readuig desk, and stretched a canvas awning over it, 
d there the Rev. Robert Hunt, a high-minded and coTar- 
ageous divine, first clergyman of English America, read the 
Episcopal ser\ice and preached a sermon twice on every 

Smith's enemies were a majority in the Council and would 
not admit him as a member, but he was no longer held as a 
prisoner. Newport's next business was to explore the river, 
and Smith with four other gentlemen, four skilled mariners, 
and fourteen common sailors, went along with him, while the 
Jamestown fort was building. They sailed up about as far 
as the site of Richmond, frequently meeting parties of In- 
dians on the banks, or passing Indian villages. Newport was 

* See above, p. 77. 

- It was not far from this spot that Ayllon had made his unsuccess- 
ful attempt to found a Spanish colony in 1526. See my Disccn'ery of 
America^ ii. 489. 


uniformly kind and sagacious in his dealings with the red 
men, and they seemed quite friendly. These were Algon- 
quins, of the tribe called Powhatans, and the natives who had 
assaulted the English at Cape Henry belonged to a The Pow- 
hostile tribe, so that that incident furnished a bond coScder-'** 
of sympathy between the Powhatans and the white ^Si^^^r- 
men. After a few days they reached the village chief 
called Powhatan (/*. c, "Falling Waters'*), which Thomas Stud- 
ley, the colonial storekeeper, describes as consisting of about 
a dozen houses "pleasantly seated on a hill." Old drawings 
indicate that tliey were large clan houses, with framework 
of beams and covering of bark* somewhat similar in general 


shape though not in details to the long houses of the Iroquois. 
The Powhatans seem to have been the leading or senior tribe 
in a loose confederacy. Their principal village was called 
Werowocomoco, situated on the north side of the York 


River, about fifteen miles northeast from Jamestown a& the 
crow flies. The place is now called Putin. Bay; a name wfaicb 
is merely a corruption of Powhatan. At Werowocqmocp 
dwelt the head war-chief of the tribe, by name Wahunsuna- 
kok, but much more generally known by his title* as ^ The 
Powhatan, just as the head of an Irish or Scotch dan is 
styled The O'Neill or The MacGregor. Newport and Smith, 
hearing that The Powhatan was a chief to whom other chie£8 
were in a measure subordinate, spoke of him as the emperor 
and the subordinate chiefs as kings, a grotesque termincdqgy 
which was natural enough at that day but which in the inter* 
est of historical accuracy it is high time for* modem writers 
to drop.^ 

When Newport and Smith returned to Jamestown, they 
found that it had been attacked by a force of 200 Indians. 
Wmgfield had beaten them off, but one Englishnum was 
killed, and eleven were wounded. In the course of the 
next two weeks these enemies were very annoying; they 
would crouch in the tall grass about the fort and pick off a 
man with their barbed stone-tipped arrows. Hakluyt had 
warned the settlers against building near the edge of a 
wood ; " it seems strange that bitter experience was needed 
to teach them that danger might lurk in long grass. Pre- 
sently some of their new acquaintances from the Powhatan 
tribe came to the fort and told Newport that the assailants 

* The Englishmen were bewildered by barbaric usages utterly for- 
eign to their experience. Kinship among these Indians, as so generally 
among barbarians and savages, was reckoned through females only ; and 
when the English visitors were told that The Powhatan's office would 
descend to his maternal brothers, even though he had sons living, the 
information was evidently correct, but they found it hard to understand 
or believe. So when one of the chiefs on the James River insisted 
upon giving back some powder and balls which one of his men had 
stolen, it was regarded as a proof of strict honesty and friendliness, 
whereas the more jirobable explanation is that a prudent Indian, at that 
early time, would consider it bad medicine to handle the thunder-and- 
lightning stuff or keep it about one. See my Bei^inniui^s of New Eng- 
land^ p. 85. 

' See above, p. 77. 





were from a hostile tribe against which they would willingly 
form an alliance ; and they furthermore advised him to cut 
his grass, which seems to prove that they were sincere in 
what they said. 


Smith now demanticd a trial on the charges which had led 
to his imprisonment. In spite of objections from Wingficld 
a ]iiry was granted, and Smith was acquitted of all the 
charges; so that on the loth of June he was allowed to take 
hh seat in the Council. On the 15th the fort was finished, 
and on the 2 2d Captain Newport sailed for England with a 
VAT^i} of sasfiiafrass and fine wood for wainscoting. He took 
the direct route homeward, fur need was now visibly press- 
ing. He promised to be back in Virginia within 
»ik jor twenty weeks, hut all the food he could leave in the 
}uav%, fort was reckoned to be scarcely enough for fifteen 
1A07 weeks, so that the company were put uix>n short 

rations. According to Studle)^ 105 persons were left at 
Jamestown, of whom besides the 6 councillors, the clergy* 
man and the surgeon, there were mentioned by name 29 
gentlemen, 6 carpenters, 1 mason, 2 bricklayers, i blacksmith, 
1 sailor, I drummer, i tailor, i barber^ 12 labourers, and 4 
boys, with 58 whom he neither names or classifies but simi>ly 
mentions as '* divers others/' The food left in store for this 
company was not appetizing After the ship had gone, says 
Richard Totts, ** there remained neither tavem, beer-house, 
nor place of relief but the common kettle; . , . and thatwa& 
half a pint of wheat and as much barley, boiled with water, 
for a man a day ; and this, having fried some 26 weeks in 
the ship's hold, contained as many worms as grains. . . . 
Our [only] drink was water. . . . Had we been as free from 
all sins as gluttony and drunkenness, we might have been 
canonized for saints.*' ^ Chickens were raised, but not 
enough for so many mouths ; and as there were no cattle or 
sheep a nourishing diet of meat and milk was out of the 
question. Nor do we find much mention of game, though 
there were some who warded off the pangs of starvation by 
^, . catching crabs and sturgeon in the river. With 
of the such inadequate diet, with unfamiliar kinds of labour, 

and with the frightful heat of an American sum- 
mer, the condition of the settlers soon came to be pitiable. 
* Smith's IVorkSy ed. Arber, p. 95. 




Disease soon added to their sufferings. Fevers lurked in 
the air of Jamestown. Before the end of September more 
than fifty of the company were in their graves. The situ- 
ation is graphically described by one of the sur\'ivors, the 


Hon. George Percy, brother of the Earl of Northumber- 
land : "There were neucr Englishmen left in a forreigne 
Countrey in such miserie as wee were in this new discouered 
Virginia. Wee watched eucry three nights, lying on the 
bare . . . ground, what weather soeucr came ; [and] warded 
all the next day ; which brought our men to bee most feeble 
wretches. Our food was but a small Can of Barlie sodden 


In water to fine men a day. Our drink cold water taken out 
Percy's of the River ; which was at a floud verie salt ; at 
account ^ j^^ ^y^ £^jj ^j- ^|jj^^^ ^^j^j f\hh ] which was the 

destruction of many of our men. Thus we lived for the 
space of fiue months in this miserable distresse, not hauing 
fiue able men to man our Bulwarkes upon any occasion. If 
It had not pleased God to haue put a terrour in the Sauages 
heart**, we had all perished by those vild and cruell Pagans, 
bdn|^ in that weake estate as we were ; our men night and 
day groaning in every corner of the Fort most pittiful to 
heare. If there were any conscience in men. it would make 
their harts to bleed to heare the pitifuU mumiurings and 
outcries of our sick men without relief e» euety night and day 
for the space of ske weekes : some departing out of the 
World, many times three or foure in a night ; in the morn- 
ing their bodies being trailed out of their Cabines like 
DoggeSj to be buried. In this sort did I see the mortalitie 
of diuers of our people.'* * 

In such a state of things our colonists would have been 

more than human had they shown very amiable tempers. 

From the early wanderings of the Spaniards in Darien down 

to the recent marches of Stanley in Africa, men struggling 

with the wilderness have fiercely quarrelled. The 

Quarrels . ■' ' 

fever at Jamestown carried off Captain Gosnold in 
August, and after his death the feud between Smith's friends 
and Wingfield's flamed up with fresh virulence. Both gen- 
tlemen have left printed statements, and in our time the 
quarrel is between historians as to which to believe. Per- 
haps it is Smith's detractors who are just at this moment the 
more impetuous and implacable, appealing as they do to the 
churlish feeling that delights in seeing long-established repu- 
tations assailed. Such writers will tell you as positively as 
if there could be no doubt about it, that Smith was engaged 
in a plot with two other members of the Council to depose 
Wingfield from his presidency and establish a " triumvirate " 
over that tiny woodland company. Others will assert, with 
* Smith's JVorkSy p. Ixxii. 


equal confidence, that Wingfield was a tyrant whose ruthless 
rule became insupportable. A perusal of his " Discourse of 
Virginia," written in 1608 in defence of his conduct, should 
make it clear, I think, that he was an honourable gentleman, 
but ill fitted for the trying situation in which he found him- 
self. To control the rations of so many hungry men was no 
pleasant or easy matter. It was charged against Wingfield 
that he kept back sundry dainties, and especially some wine 
and spirits for himself and a few favoured friends ; but his 
quite plausible defence is that he reserved two gallons of sack 
for the communion table and a few bottles of brandy for ex- 
treme emergencies ; but the other members of the Council, 
whose flasks were all empty, " did long for to sup up that 
little remnant ! " ^ At length a suspicion arose that he in- 
tended to take one of the small vessels that remained wingfieW 
in the river and abandon the colony. Early in Ra^uffe 
September the Council deposed him and elected pr^JJ^nt^ 
John Ratcliffe in his place. A few days later Sept., 1607 
Wingfield was condemned to pay heavy damages to Smith 
for defaming his character. "Then Master Recorder," says 
poor Wingfield, "did very learnedly comfort me that if I 
had wrong I might bring my writ of error in London ; 
whereat I smiled. ... I tould Master President I . . . 
prayed they would be more .sparing of law vntill wee had 
more witt or wealthe."^ 

An awful dignity hedged about the sacred person of the 
president of that little colony of fifty men. One day Presi- 
dent Ratcliffe beat James Reed, the blacksmith, Execution 
who so far forgot himself as to strike back, and for {J^r\'"?hi" 
that heinous offence was condemned to be hanged ; Council 
but when already upon the fatal ladder, and, so to speak, in 
extremis^ like Reynard the Fox, the resourceful blacksmith 
made his peace with the law by revealing a horrid scheme 
of mutiny conceived by George Kendall, a member of the 
Council. Of the details of the affair nothing is known save 

^ Neiirs Virginia Company^ p. 19. 
* Smith's IVorJts, p. Ixxxiv. 


that Kendall was found guilty, and instead of a plebeian 
hanging there was an aristocratic shooting. In teUing the 
story Wingfield observes that if such goings-on were to be 
heard of in England, " I fear it would drive many well-af- 
fected myndes from this honourable action d Virginia." 

Wingfield's pamphlet freely admits that Smith's activity 
in trading with the Indians for com was of great service to 
•the suffering colony. With the coming of autumn so many 
wild fowl were shot that the diet was much improved. On 
the loth of December Smith started on an exploring expedi- 
tion up the Chickahominy River. Having gone as far as his 
shallop would take him, he left seven men to guard it while 
he went on, in a canoe with only two white men and two 
Indian guides. This little party had arrived at White Oak 
Swamp, or somewhere in that neighbourhood, when they 
were suddenly attacked by 200 Indians led by Opekankano, 
a brother of The Powhatan. Smith's two comrades were 
killed, and he w^s captured after a sturdy resistance, but not 
Smith is until he had slain two Indians with his pistoL It 
OpS?^'^ was quite like the quick-witted man to taJce out his 
kano ivory pocket compass, and to entertain the childish 

minds of the barbarians with its quivering needle which they 
could plainly see through the glass, but, strange to say, could 
not feel when they tried to touch it. Very like him it was 
to improve the occasion with a brief discourse on star craft, 
eked out no doubt with abundant gesticulation, which may 
have led his hearers to regard him as a wizard. There seems 
to have been a difference of opinion among them. They 
tied Smith to a tree, and the fate of Saint Sebastian seemed 
in store for him, when Opekankano held up the compass ; 
then the captive was untied and they marched away through 
the forest, taking him with them. 

It is not at all clear why the red men should have made 
this attack. Hitherto the Powhatans had seemed friendly 
to the white men and desirous of an alliance with them. 
There is a vague traditional impression that Opekankano was 
one of a party opposed to such a policy ; so that his attitude 


might remind us of the attitude of Montezuma's brother 
Cuitlahuatzin toward the army of Cortes approaching Mex- 
ico. Such a view is not improbable. Wingfield, moreover, 
tells us that two or three years before the arrival of the 
English at Jamestown some white men had ascended a river 
to the northward, probably the Pamunkey or the Rappahan- 
nock, and had forcibly kidnapped some Indians. If there is 
truth in this, the kidnappers may have belonged to the ill- 
fated expedition of l^artholomew Gilbert. Wingfield says 
that Opekankano carried Smith about the country to several 
villages to see if anybody could identify him with the leader 
of that kidnapping party. Smith's narrative con- ^.^^jj^j^g^ 
firms this statement, and adds that it was agreed iiimtoWe- 


that the captain in question was a much taller man moco, Jan., 
than he. His story is full of observations on the 
country. Opekankano's village consisted of four or five 
communal houses, each about a hundred feet in length, and 
from the sandy hill in which it stood some scores of such 
houses could be seen scattered about the plain. At length 
Smith was brought to Wcrowocomoco and into the presence 
of The Powhatan, who received him in just such a long 
wigwam. The elderly chieftain sat before the fireplace, on 
a kind of bench, and was covered with a robe of raccoon 
skins, all with the tails on and hanging like ornamental 
tassels. Beside him sat his young squaws ; a row of wo- 
men with their faces and bare shoulders painted bright red 
and chains of white shell beads about their necks stood 
around by the walls, and in front of them stood the grim 

This was on the 5th of Jaiuiary, 1608, and on the 8th 
Smith returned to Jamestown, escorted by four Indians. 
What had happened to him in the interval ? In his own 
writings we have two different accounts. In his tract pub- 
lished under the title. " A IVue Relation," — which was 
merely a letter written by him in or about June. 1608, to a 
"worshipful friend" in Londcm and there published, api)ar- 
ently without his knowledge, in August, — Smith simply 


says that The Powhatan treated him very courteously and 
sent him back to Jamestown. But in the ^General His- 
tory of Virginia," a far more elaborate and circumstantial 
narrative, published in London in 1624, written partly by 
Smith himself and partly by others of the colony, we get 
a much fuller story. We are told that after he had been 
introduced to The Powhatan's long wigwam, as above de- 
scribed, the Indians debated together, and presently two big 
stones were placed before the chief and Smith was dragged 
^ thither and his head laid upon them; but even 

The rescue 

by Poca- while warriors were standing, with clubs in hand, 
to beat his brains but, the chief's young daughter 
Pocahontas rushed up and embraced him and laid her head 
upon his to shield him, whereupon her father spared his 

For two centuries and a half the later and fuller version 
of this story was universally accepted while the earlier and 
briefer was ignored. Every schoolboy was taught the story 
of Pocahontas and John Smith, and for most people I dare 
say that incident is the only one in the captain's eventful 
career that is remembered. But in recent times the dis- 
crepancy between the earlier and later accounts has attracted 
attention, and the conclusion has been hastily reached that 
Recent at- in thc morc romantic version Smith is simply a liar. 
SecHt I^ is first assumed that if thc Pocahontas incident 
the story jjjj^j really occurred, we should be sure to find it in 
Smith's own narrative written within a year after its occur- 
rence ; and then it is assumed that in later years, when 
Pocahontas visited London and was lionized as a princess, 
Smith invented the story in order to magnify his own impor- 
tance by thus linking his name with hers. By such specious 
logic is the braggadocio theory of Smith's career supported, 
and underneath thc whole of it lies the tacit assumption that 
the Pocahontas incident is an extraordinary one, something 
that in an Indian community or anywhere would not have 
been likely to happen. 

As this view of the case has been set forth by writers of 



high repute for scholarship, it has been generally accepted 
upon their authority ; in many quarters it has become the 
fashionable view. Yet its utter flimsiness can be exhibited, 
I think, in very few words. 

The first occasion on which Smith mentions his rescue by 
Pocahontas was the occasion of her arrival in London, in 


1616, as the wife of John Rolfe. In an eloquent letter to 
King James's queen, Anne of Denmark, he bespeaks the 
rojral favour for the strange visitor from Virginia ^nd extols 
her good qualities and the kindness she had shown to the 



colony. In the course of the letter he says "she hazarded 
the beating out of her own brains to save mine/' There 
were then several persons in London, besides Pocahontas 
herself, who could have challenged this statement if it had 
been false, but we do not find that anybody did so.* In 1624, 
when Smith published his ** General History," with its mi- 
nutely circumstantial account of the affair, why do we not 

* It is true, this letter of 1616 was first made public in the '* General 
History " in 1624 (see Smith's Works, p. 530) : so that Smith's detract- 
ors may urp^e that the letter is trumped up and was never sent to Queen 
Anne. If so, the question recurs. Why did not some enemy or hostile 
critic of Smith in 1624 call attention to so flagrant a fraud ? 


find, even on the part of his enemies, any intimation of the 
falsity of the story ? Within a year George Percy , 

wrote a pamphlet ^ for the express purpose of pick- pamphlet, 
ing the " General History " to pieces and discred- ' ^^ 
iting it in the eyes of the public ; he was one of the original 
company at Jamestown. If Smith had not told his com- 
rades of the Pocahontas incident as soon as he had escaped 
from The Powhatan's clutches, if he had kept silent on the 
subject for years, Percy could not have failed to know the 
fact and would certainly have used it as a weapon. There 
were others who could have done the same, and their silence 
furnishes a very strong presumption of the truth of the 

Why then did Smith refrain from mentioning it in the 
letter to a friend in England, written in 1608, while the inci- 
dents of his captivity were fresh in his mind ? The 
Well, we do not know that he did refrain from men- fext of the 
tioning it, for we do know that the letter, as pub- 'i!jJor"r^ 
lished in August, 1608, had been tampered with, incomplete 
Smith was in Virginia, and the editor in London expressly 
states in his Preface that he has omitted a portion of the 
manuscript: "somewhat more was by him written, w^hich 
being (as I thought) fit to be private, I would not adventure 
to make it public." Nothing could be more explicit. Ob- 
ser\'e that thus the case of Smith's detractors falls at once to 
the ground. Their rejection of the Pocahontas story is based 
upon its absence from the printed text of the "True Rela- 
tion," but inasmuch as that printed text is avowedly incom- 
plete no such inference is for a moment admissible. For the 
omitted portion is as likely as not to have been the passage 
describing Smith's imminent peril and rescue. 

On this supposition, what could have been the editor's 
motive in suppressing the passage ? We need not go far 
afield for an answer if we bear in mind the instructions with 
which the first colonists started, — "to suffer no man . . . 
to write [in] any letter of anything that may discourage oth 
* Brown's 6V//^j7V, ii. 04 : Neill's Jlrt^ifiia Fe/f/s/{i, pp. x-x. 


ers." * This very necessary and important injunction might 
jj^^^^j^ have restrained Smith himself from mentioning 
JK^^ his deadly peril ; if he did mention it, we can well 
hontas understand why the person who published the letter 
'"*^"^* should have thought it best to keep the matter pri- 
vate. After a few years had elapsed and the success of the 
colony was assured, there was no longer any reason for such 
reticence. My own opinion is that Smith, not intending the 
letter for publication, told the whole story, and that the sup- 
pression was the editor's work. It will be remembered that 
in the fight in which he ^o^, oTl^^Mred, Smith slew two In- 
dians. In the circumstanbidlb ai I^it given in the ''General 
History " we are told that>ii)Hile ^i^kankano was taking him 
up and down the countrj^ « ftear*telative of one of these vic- 
tims attempted to murde. Smith but yvas prevented by the 
Indians who were guarding him. The "True Relation*" 
preserves this incident, while it omits all reference to the 
two occasions when Smith'.s life was officially and deliberately 
imperilled, the tying .o the tree and the scene in The Pow- 
hatan's wigwam. One can easily see why the editor's nerves 
should not have been disturbed by the first incident, so like 
what might happen in England, while the more strange and 
outlandish exhibitions of the Indian's treatment of captives 
seemed best to be dropped from the narrative. 

But, we are told, the difficulty is not merely one of omis- 
sion. In the "True Relation" Smith not only omits all 
There is no reference to Pocahontas, but he says that he was 
incongruity kiudlv and courtcouslv treated by his captors, and 

betweenthc ^ . , , , • -i i • , 

twonarra- this Statement IS thought to be mcompatible with 
ce^prthe their having decided to beat his brains out. Such 
omission ^^ objection shows ignorance of Indian manners. 
In our own time it has been a common thing for Apaches 
and Comanches to offer their choicest morsels of food, with 
their politest bows and smiles, to the doomed captive whose 
living flesh will in a few moments be hissing under their fire- 
brands. The irony of such a situation is inexpressibly dear 
^ See above, p. 79. 



to the ferocious hearts of these men of the Stone Age, and 
American history abounds in examples of it. In his fuller 
account, indeed. Smith describes himself as kindly treated 
on his way to the scene of execution ^ and after his rescue. 
Drop out what happened in the interval and you get the 
account given in the "True Relation." 

Now that omission creates a gap in the "True Relation" 
such as to fatally damage its credibility. We are told that 
Smith, after killing a couple of Indians, is taken jheac- 
captive and carried to the 'head war-chief's wigwam, ^^^"^^1"^ 
and is then forsooth allow- '^ scot free • ith no erai His- 

notice taken of the biuOv. ' v he owes to the th^more 

tribe ! To any one who ' St J Indians such ^^^^^^^ 
a story is well-nigh incredibiv,. /\ i prisoner of war Smith's 
life was already forfe'ted.^ It is safe to say that no Indian 
would think of releasing him without some equivalent ; such 
an act might incur the wrath of invisible powers. There 
were various ways of putting captive*- to death ; torture by 
slow fire was the favourite mode, but Crushing in the skull 
with tomahawks was quite common, so that when Smith 
mentions it as decided upon in his case he is evidently telling 
the plain truth, and we begin to see that the detailed account 
in the " General History " is more consistent and probable 
than the abridged account in the " True Relation." 

The consistency and probability of the story are made 
complete by the rescue at the hands of Pocahontas. That 
incident is precisely in accordance with Indian usage, but 

^ Even in The Powhatan's wigwam, it was only after "having 
feasted him [Smith] after their best barbarous manner they could," 
that the Indians brought the stones and prepared to kill him. Smith's 
Works^ p. 400. 

2 It is true that in 1608 the Powhatans were still unfamiliar with 
white men and inclined to dread them as more or less supernatural; 
but they had thoroughly learned that fair skins and long beards were 
no safeguard against disease and death. If they did not know that 
the Jamestown colony had dwindled to eight-and-thirty men, they knew 
that their own warriors had slain all Smith's party and taken him cap- 



it is not Ukdy that Smith knew enough about such iinge to 
ha\*e inxxntcd it, and his artless way of tdling the stoiy is 
that of a man who is describing what he does not under- 
stand From the Indian point of view there was noUnng 
TKr i«me romontic or extiaordinaiy in sudi a rescue ; it was 
ririi^'!M> :!^KmpIy a not uncomman matter of business.. The 
wiiMMUn ^^"^^n^*^ ^'i^h which idiite readers have always 
u«^«« invested it is the outcome of a misconception no. 
less complete than that which led the fair dames of Lon- 
don to make obeisance to the tawny Pocahontas as to a 
princess of imperial lineage. Time and again it used to 
hapfKn that when a |irisoner was about to be slaoghteied, 
some one iU the dusky assemblage, moved by pity or admi- 
ration or SiMne unexplained fnsak, would interpose in behalf 
of the victim ; ami as a rule such interposition was heeded. 
Many a }xH>r wretch, already tied to the fatal tree and be- 
nunilxxl with uns}x'akahle terR^n while the firebrands were 
heating for his torment, has been rescued from the jaws of 
death, and adoptcii as hrxnher or lover by some lau|^iing 
young squaw, or as a si>n by some graw wrinkled wynior. 
In such cases the new-comer was allowed entire freedom 
ami troatoil like .vu- of the tribe. As the blood debt wais 
caiuvllovl In tlu- pmn.^'n \i.'lcn: iloath. it was also can- 
ccllcvl In xcciitir.- Ivis >c:\ioos t.» the tribe; and any mem- 
l>er. old or vou:\^. h.u! a :i-ht to demand the latter method 
as a si:bstitr.te tvM- tlu' torracr. IWahontas, therefore, did 
n»»t "lia/aRJ the bcariii- oi:t oi nor »»\vn brains." though the 
rescued stranuer, lookiiii; wiih eivili/ed eyes, would naturally 
see it in that li.i;ht. Her brains were perfectly safe. This 
thirteen-year-old scjiiaw liked ibe bandsv^ne prisoner, claimed 
him, and i:«>t him, acoordin.:; to v iistv>m. Mark now what 
happened next. Two days afterward The I\nvhatan, "hav- 
i"fC disguised bimselfe in the most fearfullest manner he 
could, caused Captain Smith to be brought forth to a great 
house in the wcmkIs, and there vpon a mat bv the fire be 
left alone. Xot long after fn»me behind a mat that divided 
the house [/. i\ a curtain] was made the most dolefullest 


lation of luch occur- 

rcnccs and accidents of noatea? 

haJi hapned in Virginia fince the firft 
pkoiingof diat Colloay , which ii n jw 
nil dent m the South paiC tiictcof^tUt 
the Idft rctar ne frcm 
X ^, tlicncc. 

wirjhi^fuU friend ot hi s in Eogliiid, 

£ r^Do :^ 
Fumed fo£A£ii T^fty ziA arctobccloldc atduGrcv 

Ltound ml'Iuleri C^iurch > a:d, b\ lVJt\ 
1 (? o S 
^ . 

I nil. <■»• ( All \IN Ji'lIN SMITHS "IKll, KhI.A I lUN " 



noyse he ever heard" ^ Then the old chief tatiiy looking 
more like the devU than a man, came to Smith and told him 
that now they were friends and he might go back to James- 
town ; then if he would send to The Powhatan a couple of 
Adoption cannon and a grindstone, he should have in ex- 
of Smith change a piece of land in the neighbourhood, and 
that chief would evermore esteem him as his own son. 


Smith's narrative does not indicate that he understood this 
to be anything more than a friendly figure of speech, but it 
seems clear that it was a case of ceremonious adoption. As 
the natural result of the young girl's intercession the white 
^ Smith's Works, p. 400. 


chieftain was adopted into the tribe. A long incantation, 
with dismal howls and grunts, propitiated the tutelar deities, 
and then the old chief, addressing Smith as a son, proposed 
an exchange of gifts. The next time that Smith visited 
Werowocomoco, The Powhatan proclaimed him a "wero- 
wance " or chief of the tribe, and ordered " that all his sub- 
jects should so esteem us, and no man account us strangers 
. . . but Powhatans, and that the corn, women, and country 
should be to us as to his own people." ^ 

I have dwelt at some length upon the question of Smith's 
veracity for three good reasons. First, in the interests of 
sound historical criticism, it is desirable to show importance 
how skepticism, which is commonly supposed to of r^a*^*^ 
indicate superior sagacity, is quite as likely to re- *^^"*** 
suit from imperfect understanding. Secondly, justice should 
be done to the memory of one of the noblest and most lov- 
able characters in American history. Thirdly, the rescue 
of Smith by Pocahontas was an event of real historic impor- 
tance. Without it the subsequent relations of the Indian 
girl with the English colony become incomprehensible. But 
for her friendly services on more than one occasion, the 
tiny settlement would probably have perished. Her visits 
to Jamestown and the regular supply of provisions by the 
Indians began at this time.^ 

* Id. p. 26. Of course the cases of rescue and adoption were end- 
lessly various in circumstances ; see the case of Couture, in Parkman*s 
Jesuits^ p. 223 ; on another occasion " Brigeac was tortured to death 
with the customary atrocities. CuilMrier, who was present, . . . ex- 
pected the same fate, but an old squaw happily adopted him, and thus 
saved his life." Parkman's Old Regime in Canada^ revised ed. p. 108. 
For adoption in general see Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 80; League of 
the Iroquois^ p. 342; Colden's History of the Five Nations^ London, 


^ Of the really critical attacks upon the story of Pocahontas, the 
most important arc those of Charles Deane, in his Xotes on Wingfield's 
Discourse of Virginia, Boston, 1859, and Henry Adams, in the North 
American Revieiu, vol. civ. Their arguments have been ably answered 
by W. \V. Henry, in Proceedings of Virginia Historical Society, 1882, 
and Charles Poindexter, in his Captain John Smith and his Critics, 


On t&kf UCIV CSET doC 

^^ 93ns. P^rt CBK now;, the 
^H.4.PKtf Oolir 5$ sBCi !tad nrvmd 1 
tovn : to rhese tne First SnppCy 

ttumberm •> 15:?. F:-r « moirr 
they broagrrt wici chtim toocr com ' 
tci:k h£^ ~ F^cfaer Xeviwrt." 3» he caBed 1 
vocomoox wTiere rzuy tkkled "^ FnAer 
vich hi:x -^slss besds aad dmv 
As spring cime on. Newport szSed for 1 
in^ with hid the depcsaf WlngarikL Tbe ! 
V25 spect by Scich in two voyages oft apkxaitioo vp Chesa- 
peake Bay and into the Potomac. Ritapsca aad Sosque- 
hanca rh-er^ He met with warriors of the formidable 
Inx^uois trfoe of Susquehannocki^ and found diem carrymg 
a few French hatchets which had evidently come from Can- 
Rjtc!i:*e ^do. During hb abisexice things went faadljr at 
^^ ' Jamestown and Ratcliffe was deposed. Ob Smith's 
^'"^ return in Sertember he was at once chosen prcsi- 
<*ct. :-.:> dent. Or.W 2< bexfr. i.-'st this year, so that 
i-^-r:\: :>.e c ■ ry r.:r:'rc-v,: : :r. ^vher. Newport again 
^ ■' irriv'j.i ::: Sc.:rr/*rc'. .v.::: the Second SupjJy of 

71 :«i:r> r.-. 'zr:".:.rc t'.e t ■:; t JvC. In this company 
I'r.^T.: -.vere t .v .v :::e::. 1 ?.[-> F rrc^t .ir.i her maid. Anne 
Hi:rr u^h<. .vh wj.> < :: n:.i'r:ivl t: J hn Laydon. the first 
rcc 7*^:0' ; K-:^!:^h \vr.:.::::^ :: A-^e'i.Ar > :*. 

Xewr-rt > :r.>tr.:cti ::> >h a the r::embers of the 

R'.rA.rr.r.rA. i^-i^. There are two wr :rr> : •■ .v'uiV'c rooks who seldom 
2V.i:f\r •.!. Sn--::h uiihou: s:.eer> and a r.:> ■ f .1: use. — Alexander Brown, 
of \:rj::r.:a, ar.i Lcward Dufr.rL: Nri". of \!:r.r.e>o::i : they seem to 
resen*. as a persona', ^-r.evar.ce. :he uc: :ha: the gallant captain ever 
*:\\^'tfl. Or. the other har.ct. no i^r.e !■. ve> h:n'. Vctter than the learned 
eriiror of his bxiks. who has stud-ed them with microscopic thorough- 
ne^-, Kdwa'd Arbcr. My own deier.ce of Sr^tith. when set forth in a 
Ic'ture at Uni-.-er^ity CoIIe^'e. London. 1S70, was warmly approved by 
my friend, the late Henrv Stevens. 






ViTgiiiia.New'Enghiicl,aiici the Summer 

JIle5 :wiiK the names of th e AcWeisturci^, 

Pkmers^and Governours from iheir 

firAtegmningj\n: is% 4 to this 

prefent 162.4 , 

_ __,„.. _ _ ^ ^. .Am m mfhar 

Alfo the Maps and Defcriptiom of all thofc 

Countries, their Commoaities^eople , 

Government ,Oiilomcfi^and Eleligion 

yet knowne , 

^^ DjymEn into sixe Booked . 

/ZBvOdfitmi lOHMSMnnfmlmc^mmmr 

# ^ ^^^ EngJand . 

Prmied bylD, and 


London Company, sitting at their cosy English firesides, 
were getting impatient and meant to have some- captain 
thing done. He was told that he must find either insJJS^r* 
the way to the South Sea, or a lump of gold, or one *^°"* 
of White's lost colonists, or else he need not come back and 
show his face in England ! One seems taken back to the 
Arabian Nights, where such peremptory behests go along 


with enchanted carpets and magic rings and heroic steeds 
with p^^ in the neck. No such talismans were to be found 
in Old Virginia. When Newport read his instructions, 
Smith bluntly declared that the London Company wexe fools, 
which seems to have shocked the decorous mariner. The 
next order was grotesque enough to have emanated from the 
teeming brain of James I. after a mickle noggin of his native 
usquebaugh. Their new ally, the mighty Emperor Pow* 
hatan, must be crowned ! Newport and Smith did it, and 
xmuch mirth it must have afforded them. The chief refused 
to come to Jamestown, so Mahomet had to go to the moun- 

tain. Up in the long wigwam at Werowocomoco 
of The the two Englishmen divested the old fellow of his 
^ raccoon-skin^ garment and put on him a scarlet 

robe which greatly pleased him. Then they tried to force 
him down upon his knees — which he did not like at all — 
while they put the crown on his head. When the operation 
was safely ended, the forest-monarch grunted acquiescence 
and handed to Newport his old raccoon-skin cloak as a pre- 
sent for his royal brother in England. 

An Indian masquerading scene at one of these visits to 
Werowocomoco is thus described by one of the English 
party : ** In a fayre playne field they made a fire, before 
which [we] sitting upon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods 
was heard ... a hydeous noise and shrieking. . . . Then 
presently [we] were presented with this anticke; thirtie 

young women came [nearly] naked out of the 
Indian girls woods, . . . their bodics all painted, some white, 
Werowoco- somc red, some black, some particolour, but all dif- 
'""^^ fering; their leader had a fayre payre of buck's 

horns on her head, and an otter's skin at her girdle, and an- 

^ The word " raccoon " is a thorn in poor Smitli's flesh, and his at- 
tempts to represent the sound of it from guttural Indian mouths are 
droll : " There is a beast they call Aroiti^hcun, much like a badger, but 
useth to live on trees as squirrels do.'' — ''He sent me presents of 
bread and Raui^roui^hcuns.*'^ — '' Covered with a great covering of 
Rahou^hcums.^^ — "A robe made of Raroiucun skins," etc., etc. 



other at her arm, a quiver of arrowes at her back, a bow and 
arrowes in her hand ; the next had in her hand a sword, 
another a club, ... all horned alike. . . . These fiends with 
most hellish shouts and cries, rushing from among the trees, 
cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and daun- 
cing with most excellent ill varietie ; . . . having spent neare 
an houre in this mascarado, as they entred in like manner 
they departed. Having reaccommodated themselves, they 
solemnly invited [us] to their lodgings, where [we] were no 
sooner within the house but all these nymphes more tor- 
mented us than ever, with crowding, pressing, and hanging 
about [us], most tediously crying. Love yon not me ? This 
salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of fruit in 
baskets, fish and flesh in wooden platters ; beans and peas 
there wanted not, nor any salvage dainty their invention could 
devise : some attending, others singing and dancing about 
[us] ; which mirth and banquet being ended, with firebrands 
[for] torches they conducted [us] to [our] lodging." ' 

The wood-nymphs who thus entertained their guests are in 
one account mentioned simply as ** Powhatan's women," in 
another they are spoken of as " Pocahontas and her women ; " 
which seems to give us a realistic sketch of the little maid 
with her stag-horn headdress and skin all stained with puc- 
coon leading her companions in their grotesque Accuracy 
capers. Truly, it was into a strange world and desxri|L**'' 
among a strange people that our colonists had come. *'o"s 
Their quaint descriptions of manners and customs utterly 
new and unintelligible to them, though familiar enough to 
modern students of barbaric life, have always the ring of 
truth. Nowhere in the later experiences of white men with 
Indians do we find quite so powerful a charm as in the early 
years of the seventeenth centur}-. No other such narratives 
are quite so delightful as those of Champlain and his friends 
in Canada, and those of Smith and his comrades in Virginia. 
There is a freshness about this first contact with the wilder- 
ness and its uncouth life that makes every incident vivid. 
There is a fascination too, not unmixed with sadness, in 



watching the early dreams of El Dorado fade away as the 
stern reality of a New World to be conquered comes to make 
itself known and felt. Naturally the old delusions persisted 
at home in England long after the colonists had been taught 
by costly e?cperiences to discard them» and we smile at the 
well-meaiit blundering of the ruling powers in London in 
their efforts to hasten the success of their enteqirise. In 
vain did the faithful Newport seek to perform the man* 
dates of the London Company, No nuggets of gold were 
to be found, nor traces of poor Eleanor Dare and her 
friends, and The Powhatan told the simple truth when he 
declared that there were difficult mountains westward and it 
would be useless to search for a salt sea behind them. New* 
tx»rt tried, nevertheless, but came back exhausted long before 
he had reached the Blue Ridge; for what foe is so pertina- 
cious as a strange and savage continent? In pithy terms 
does Anas Todkill, one of the first colonists, express himself 
about these wild projects : ** Now w\is there no way to make 
us miserable but to neglect that time to make our provision 
whilst it was to be had ; the which was done to perfourmc 
this strange discovery, but more strange coronation. To lose 
that time, spend that victuall we had, tire and starue our 
men, having no means to carry victuall, munition, the hurt 
or sicke, but their own backes : how or by whom they were 
invented I know not." How eloquent in grief and in- 
dignation are these rugged phrases ! A modern writer, an 
accomplished Oxford scholar, expresses the opinion that the 
coronation of The Powhatan, although " an idle piece of for- 
mality," "had at least the merit of winning and retaining the 
loyalty nl iiiu savage." ^ Master Todkill thought differently: 
Todkiirs **^^ ^'^^ ^^^ coronation of Powhatan and his pre- 
compbint sents of bason, ewer, bed, clothes, and such costly 
nouelties; they had bin much better well spared than so ill 
apent ; for we had his favour much better onlie for a poore 
pccce of copper, till this stately kinde of soliciting made him 
* Doyle's Vtri^tni'a, p. 124, 

y I / \ \ \ \■-^■; 


MA, i6ii 


SO much overvalue himselfe, that he respected vs as much 
as nothing at all." ^ 

When Newport sailed for England, he took with him Rat- 
cliffe, the deposed president, a man of doubtful character of 
whom it was said that he had 

reasons for using an alias, his f^^ ^^ ^t fi^ ^^^ffJ^^^r ^A^ ^ >> 
real name being Sickelmore. ^ ^M3^^"S5^ 

Deposed presidents were lia- 
ble to serve as tale-bearers and mischief-makers. Wing- 
field had gone home on the previous voyage, and Newport 
had brought back to Virginia complaints from the Company 
about the way in which things had been managed. Now 
Smith sent to London by ie\ port his new map of ^ 
Virginia embodying the results of his recent voy- map of 
ages of exploration, a map of remarkable accuracy *^^"*^ 
and witness to an amount of original labour that is marvel- 
lous to think of. That map is a living refutation of John 
Smith's detractors ; none but a man of heroic mould could 
have done the geographical work involved in making it. 

With the map Smith sent what he naively calls his " Rude 
Answer** to the London Company, a paper bristling with 
common-sense and not timid when it comes to calling a spade 
a spade. With some topics suggested by this *' Rude An 
swer " we shall concern ourselves in the next chapter. 
* Smith's VVorks^ p. 122. 



The men of bygone days were quite as fond as ourselves 
of playing with names, and the name of Christopher » or 
•* Christ-bearer/' was a favourite subject for such pastime. 
The old Syrian saint and niart)T was said to have forded a 
river carrying Christ on his back in the form of a child ; and 
so whea in the year 1500 Columbus's famous pilot, Juan de 
La Cosa, made his map of the new discoveries, and came to 
a place where he did not know how to draw his coast -line, he 

filled the space with a picture of the new Chris- 
ofChrbto- topher wading in mid-ocean and bringing over 

Christ to the heathen. At the court of James 1. 
it was fashionable to make similar mild jests upon the name 
of Captain Christopher Newport, whose ships were carr)^ing 
year by year the ;:,^nspel to the t:iwny natives of Virginia. 
Very little of the good tidings, however, had the poor hea- 
then of Pamunkey and VVerowocomoco as yet received. So 
much ado had the English colonists to keep their own souls 
from quitting their bodies that they had little leisure to 
bestow upon the spiritual welfare of the Indians. By the 
accident of Smith's capture and the intercession of Pocahon- 
tas, they had effected a kind of alliance with the most power- 
ful tribe in that part of the country, and this alliance had 

proved extremely valuable throughout the year 
the Indian 1608 ; without it the little colony might have per- 
a lance [^\^q^ before the arrival of the Second Supply. 
Nevertheless the friendship of the red men was a very un- 
certain and precarious factor in the situation. The accounts 
of the Englishmen show confused ideas as to the relations 


between the tribes and chieftains of the region ; and as for 
the Indians, their acquaintanceship with white men was so 
recent that there was no telling what unforeseen circum- 


stance might at any time determine their actions. The ut- 
most sagacity was needed to retain the slight influence 
already acquired over them, while to alienate them might 
easily prove fatal. The colony was far from able to support 


itself, and as things were guing there seemed little hope of 
improvement. The difficulties involved in the founding of 
colonies were not well understood, and the attempts to cope 
mih them were unintelligait. 

In the listsi of these earliest parties of settlers one cannot 
fail to notice the preponderance of those who are styled 
gentlemen, an epithet which in those days was not lavishly 
and indiscriminately but chardy and precisely applied. As 
a rule, the persons designated as gentlemen were not accus- 
tomed to manual labour. To meet the requirements of 
these aristocratic members of the community, we find in one 
of the lists the name of a dealer in perfumes, A few score 
of farmers, with abundance of live-stock, would have been 
far more to the purpijse. Yet let us do justice to the gentle- 
Gen tiemcn men. One of the first company of settlers, the 
ai ptont^ sturdy soldier Anas Todkill, thus testifies to their 
good spirit and efficiency: '* Thirty of us [President Smith] 
conducted $ myles from the fort, to learn to , . . cut dow^n 
trees and make clapboard. . . . Amongst the rest he had 
chosen Gabriel Beadell and John Russell, the only two gal- 
lants of this last supply [he means October, idoS] and both 
proper gentlemen, Stnmge were these pleasures to their 
conditions ; yet lodging, eating and drinking, working or 
playing, they [were] but doing as the President did himselfe. 
All these things were carried on so pleasantly as within a 
week they became masters ; making it their delight toheare 
the trees thunder as they fell ; but the axes so oft blistered 
their tender fingers that many times every third blow had a 
loud othe to drowne the eccho ; for remedie of which sinne, 
the President devised how to have every man's othes num- 
bred, and at nig^ht for every othe to have a cann of water 
powred downe his sleeue, with which every offender was so 
washed (himselfe and all) that a man should scarce hear an 
othe in a weeke. 

For he who scorns and makes but jests of cursings and his othe, 
He doth contemne, not man but God ; nor God, nor man, but both. 

By this let no man thinke that the President and these gen- 



tlemen spent their time as common wood-hackers at felling of 
trees, or such other like labours ; or that they were pressed to 
it as hirelings or common slaues ; for what they did, after they 
were but once a little invred, it seemed and some conceited 
it only as a pleasure and recreation : ... 30 or 40 of such 
voluntary gentlemen would doe more in a day than 100 of 
the rest that must be prest to it by compulsion." Neverthe- 
less, adds this ingenuous writer, " twentie good workmen had 
been better than them all.** ^ 

One strong motive which drew many of these gentlemen 
to the New World, like the Castilian hidalgos of a century 
before, was doubtless the mere love of wild adventure. An- 
other motive was the quest of the pearls and gold . ^^ 
about which the poet Drayton had written. In gold that 
the spring of 1608, while Newport was on the scene ^ ' 
with his First Supply, somebody discovered a bank of bright 
yellow dirt, and its colour was thought to be due to particles 
of gold. Then there was clatter and bustle ; " there was 
no thought, no discourse, no hope, and no work but to dig 
gold, wash gold, refine gold, and load gold." In the list 
of the First Supply we find the names of two goldsmiths, 
two refiners, and one jeweller ;2 but such skill as these arti- 
sans had was of little avail, for Newport carried a shipload 
of the yellow stuff to London, and found, to his chagrin, that 
all is not gold that glitters. On that same voyage he carried 
home a coop of plump turkeys, the first that ever graced an 
English bill of fare. Smith seems early to have recovered 
from the gold fever, and to have tried his hand at various in- 
dustries. If precious metals could not be found, there was 
plenty of excellent timber at hand. The production of tar 
and soap was also attempted, as well as the manufacture of 
glass, to assist in which eight Germans and Poles Glass and 
were brought over in the Second Supply. It was ^^^ 
hardly to be expected that such industries should attain 
remunerative proportions in the hands of a little company of 
settlers who were still confronted with the primitive diflficulty 
* Smith's irorks, p. 439. 2 \^i p^ ,0,^^ 



of getting food enough to keep themselves alive. The arrival 
of reinforcements was far from being an unniLved benefit. 
Each new supply brought many new mouths to be filled, 
while by the time the ship was ready to sail for England, 
leaving all the promions it could safely spare, the remnant 
was so small that the gaunt spectre of threatening famine 
was never quite out of sight. Moreover the newcomers 
from the civilized world arrived with their heads full of such 
wild notions as the old settlers were beginning to recover 
from under the sharp lessons of experience ; thus was con- 
fusion again and again renewed. While the bitter tale was 
being enacted in the wilderness, people in London were won- 
dering why the symptoms of millennial happmess were so 
slow in coming from this Virginian paradise. From the 
golden skewers and dripping-pans adorning the kitchens of 
barbaric potentates,^ or the priceless pearis that children 
Disap' strolling on the beach could fill their aprons with, 
Sr*ihT^"* the descent to a few shiploads of ignoble rough 
CcMdpany boards and sassafras was truly humiliating No 
wonder that the Company should have been loath to allow 
tales of personal peril in Vbginia to find their way into print. 
No wonder that its directors should have looked with rueful 
faces at the long columns of outgoes compared with the 
scant and petty entries on the credit side of the ledger. No 
wonder if they should have arrived at a state of impatience 
like that of the urchin who has planted a bed full of seed 
and cannot be restrained from digging them up to see what 
they are coming to. At such times there is sure to be plenty 
of fault-finding ; disappointment seeks a vent in scolding. 
We have observed that Wingfield, the deposed president, 
had returned to England early in 1608 ; with him went Cap- 
tain Gabriel Archer, formerly a student of law at Gray's 
Inn, and one of the earliest members of the legal profession 
in English America. His name is commemorated in the 
little promontory near Jamestown called Archer's Hope. He 
was a mischief-maker of whom Wingfield in his *' Discourse 
^ See above, p. 63. 




of Virginia " speaks far more bitterly than of Smith. To 
the latter Archer was an implacable enemy. On the return 
of Smith from his brief captivity with the Indians, this 
crooked Archer exhibited his legal ingenuity in seeking to 
revive a provision in the laws of Moses that a captain who 
leads his men into a fatal situation is responsible for their 
death. By such logic Smith would be responsible ^j^i^^^j^^. 
for the deaths of his followers slain by Opekanka- ere and 
no's Indians ; therefore, said Archer, he ought to *^°"^^ ^ 
be executed for murder ! President Ratcliffe, alias Sickel- 
more, appears to have been a mere tool in Archer's hands, 
and Smith's life may really have been in some danger when 
Newport's arrival discomfited his adversaries. One can see 
what kind of tales such an unscrupulous enemy would be 
likely to tell in London, and it was to be expected that New- 
port, on arriving with his Second Supply, would bring some 
message that Smith would regard as unjust. The nature of 
the message is reflected in the reply which Smith sent home 
by Newport in November, 1608. The wrath of the much- 
enduring man was thoroughly aroused ; in his ^, . 
" Rude Answer," as he calls it, he strikes out from "Rude 
the shoulder, and does not even spare his friend 
Newport for bringing such messages. Thus does he address 
the Royal Council of Virginia, sitting in London : " Right 
Honourable Lords and Gentlemen : I received your letter 
wherein you write that our minds are so set upon faction and 
idle conceits, . . . and that we feed you but with ifs and 
ands, hopes, and some few proofes ; as if we would keep the 
mystery of the businesse to ourselues ; and that we must ex- 
presly follow your instructions sent by Captain Newport, 
the charge of whose voyage amounts to neare ;£2000 the 
which if we cannot defray by the ship's returne, we are like 
to remain as banished men. To these particulars I hum- 
bly intrcat your pardons if I offend you with my rude an- 

" For our factions, vnlcsse you would haue me run away 
and leaue the country, I cannot prevent them : . . . I do 


make many stay that would ets fly anywhither. . . . [As 

to feeding] voii with hopes, etc., thoiifrh I be no 
preveni scholar, I am past a schoolboy; and I desire but to 
'^^^^^ know what either you [or] these here do know but 
I have learned to tell you by the continual hazard of my life 
I have not concealed from you anything I know ; but I feare 
some cause you to believe much more than is true. 

" Expressly to follow your directions by Captain New- 
ptjrt, though they be performed, I was directly against it ; 
Yemr in^ but according to our Commission^ I was content to 
^^T^'' ^^ ^^^^^^^ ^y ^h^ major part of the council I fear to 
*i^ the hazard of us all ; which now is generally con- 

fessed when it is too late, , . , I have crowned Powhatan 
according to your instructions. For the charge of this voy- 
age of ^2000 we have not received the value of j^iC30. , , . 
For him at that time to find . . , the South Sea, [or] a 
mine of gold, or Imy of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh : 
at our consultation I told them was as likely as the rest. 
But during this great discovery of thirty miles (which might 
as well have been done by one man, and much more, for the 
value of a pound of copper at a seasonable time) they had 
the pinnace and all the boats \^ith them [save] one that re- 
mained with me to serve the fort. 

"In their absence I followed the new begun works of 
pitch and tar, glass, soap ashes, and clapboard ; whereof 
From our some small quantities we have sent you. But if 
d!!^ies"' you rightly consider what an infinite toil it is in 
you must Russia and Swedeland, where the woods are pro- 

not expect ' 

too much per for naught else, and though there be the help 
both of man and beast in those ancient commonweals which 
many an hundred years have [been] used [to] it ; yet thou- 
sands of those poor people can scarce get necessaries to live 
but from hand -to mouth. And though your factors there 
can buy as much in a week as will fraught you a ship . . . ; 
you must not expect from us any such matter, which are 
but a many of ignorant miserable souls, that are scarce able 
to get wherewith to live and defend ourselves against the 



inconstant sahages ; finding but here and there a tree fit 
for the purpose, and want[iiig] all things else [which] the 
Russians ha%c. 

*' For the coronation of Powhatan, by whose advice you 
sent him such presents I know not ; but this give me leave 
While we to tell you, I fear they will be the confusion of us 
^tof"^ all ere we hear from you again« At your ship*s 
'€wd arrival the salvages' s harv^est was newly gathered 

and we [were] going to buy it ; our own not being half suffi- 
cient for so great a number. As for the two [shiplcads] of 
com [w^hich] Newport promised to provide us from Pow- 
hatan,' he brought us but 14 bushels , . . [while most of 
his men were] sick and near famished. From your ship we 
had not provision in victuals worth jt-o* and we are more 
than 200 to live upon this ; the one half sick, the other little 
better. , , . Our diet is a little meal and water, and not suf- 
ficient of that. Though there be fish in the sea, fowls in 
the air, and beasts in the w*oods» their bounds are so large, 
they so wild, and we so weak and ignorant that we cannot 
much trouble them. 

** The soldiers say many of your oflScers maintain their 
families out of that you send us ; and that New]:>ort hath 
peculation ;£ioo a year for carrying news. . . . Captain Rat- 
triguTare cliffc is now Called Sickelmore, a poor counter- 
"^« feited imposture. I have sent you him home, lest 

the company [here] should cut his throat. What he is now, 
every one can tell you. If he and Archer return again, they 
are sufficient to keep us always in factions. 

"When you send again I intreat you [to] send but 30 
carpenters, husbandmen, gardeners, fishermen, blacksmiths, 
Send us masons, and diggers up of trees' roots, well pro- 
?omeu^fui vided, [rather] than 1000 of such as we have ; for 
workmen exccpt wc be able both to lodge them and feed 
them, the most will consume with want of necessaries be- 
fore they can be made good for anything. . . . And I hum- 

^ Smith here means the village of that name, on the James River, 
near the site of Richmond. See above, p. 95. 



bly entreat you hereafter, let us know what we [are to] 
receive, and not stand to the sailors's courtesy to leave us 
what they please. . . . 

" These are the causes that have kept us in Virginia from 
laying such a foundation [as] ere this might have given much 
better content and satisfaction; but as yet you must not 
look for any profitable returns ; so I humbly rest." ^ 

It is to be hoped that the insinuation that some of the 
Company's officers were peculators was ill founded ; as for 
the fling at Newport, it was evidently made in a a sensible 
little fit of petulance and is inconsistent with the '^"^^ 
esteem in which Smith really held that worthy mariner. 
These are slight blemishes in a temperate, courageous, and 
manly letter. It is full of hard common-sense and tells such 
plain truths as must have set the Company thinking. It 
was becoming evident to many persons in London that some 
new departure must be made. But before Newport's home- 
bound ship could cross the ocean, and before the Company 
could decide upon its new plan of operations, some months 
must needs elapse, and in the interim we will continue to 
follow the fortunes of the little colony, now left to itself in 
the wilderness for the third time. 

It is evident from Smith's letter that he anticipated trouble 
from the Indians. In The Powhatan's promise to count him 
forever as his own son he put little faith. His own view 
of the noble savage seems to have been much the same as 
that expressed about this time by Rev. Richard Hakluyt, in 
a letter of advice and warning to the London Com- Richard 
pany : " But for all their fair and cunning speeches, "f/ndian" 
[these natives] are not overmuch to be trusted ; ^^^^aracter 
for they be the greatest traitors of the world, as their mani- 
fold most crafty contrived and bloody treasons ... do evi- 
dently prove. They be also as unconstant as the weather- 
cock, and most ready to take all occasions of advantages to 
do mischief. They are great liars and dissemblers ; for 
which faults oftentimes they had their deserved payments. 
^ Smith's Works, pp. 442-445. 


, . , To handle them gently^ while gentle courses may be" 
lound to serv-e, . , . will be without comparison the best ; 
but if gentle polishing will not scn^c, [we] shall not want 
hammerers and rough masons enow — I mean our old sol- 
diers trained up in the Netherlands — to square and prepare 
them to our Preacher's hands/* * 

There is something delicious in the naTve promptness 
with which this worthy clergyman admits the probable need 
of prescribing military measures as a preparation for the 
cure of souls. The London Company may have stood in 
need of such advice • Smith did not. He looked upon In- 
dians already with the eyes of a frontiersman, and the rough 

vicissitudes of his life had made him quick to in- 
Smith terpret signs of mischief. It was not so much a 

direct assault that he feared as a contest arising 
from the Indians' refusal to sell their com. During the* past 
winter Pocahontas had made frequent and regular \isits to 
Jamestown, bringing corn and occasionally venison, raccoons, 
and other game ; and this aid had been so effective as to 
ward off famine for that season. But a change had come 
over her father and his councillors. As the English kept 
strengthening their fortifications and building houses, as the 
second and third shiploads of colonists arrived, the Indians 
must have begun to realize that it was their intention to 
stay in the country. On Smith's first visit to Werowoco- 
moco, when The Powhatan said that he should henceforth 
regard him as a son, he showed himself extremely curious to 
know why the English had come to his part of the world. 
Smith did not think it safe to confess that they had come to 
stay ; so he invented a story of their having been defeated 
by the Spaniards and driven ashore ; then, he added, the 
How the pinnace being leaky, they were obliged to stay until 
views of the their Father Newport should come back and get 
were''°" them and take them away. Since that conversation 
changed Father Newport had come twice, and each time 
he had brought many of his children and taken away but 
^ Neiirs Virginia Company, p. 28. 


few. Instead of 38 men at Jamestown there were now 200. 
Every painted and feathered warrior knew that these pale 
children were not good farmers, and that their lives depended 
upon a supply of corn. By withholding this necessary of 
life, how easy it might be to rid the land of their presence ! 

As the snows began to come, toward Christmas of 1608, 
Smith's fears began to be realized. When the Indians were 
asked for corn they refused with a doggedness that with- 
stood even the potent fascination of blue glass beads. Smith 
fully comprehended the seriousness of the situation. ** No 
persuasion," he says, ** could persuade him to a bold re- 
starve." If the Indians would not trade of their ^^^^^ 
own free will they must be made to trade. The Powhatan 
asked for some men who could aid him in building a house, 
and Smith sent to Werowocomoco fourteen men, including 
four of the newly arrived Germans. Smith followed with 
twenty-seven men in the pinnace and barge. In the party 
were George Percy and Francis West, brother of the Lord 
Delaware of whom we shall have soon to speak. At War- 
rasqueak Bay, where they stopped the first night, a chieftain 
told them to beware of treachery at Werowocomoco ; The 
Powhatan, he said, had concocted a scheme for cutting their 
throats. Captain Smith thanked the redskin for his good 
counsel, assured him of his undyin^c affection, and ,, 

-^ ^ ' Vovage to 

proceeded down the river to Hampton, where he Werowoco- 
was very hospitably entertained by the Kecough- 
tans, a small tribe numbering about twenty warriors. . P"*or 
about a week, from December 30, 1608, till January 6, 1609, 
a fierce blizzard of snow and sleet obliged the parly to stay 
in the dry and well-warmed wigwams of the Kecoughtans, 
who regaled I hem with oysters, fish, venison, and wild fowl. 
As they passed around to the northern side of the peninsula 
and approached the York River, the Indians seemed less 
friendly. When they arrived at Werowocomoco the river 
was frozen for nearly half a mile from the shore, but Smith 
rammed and broke the ice with his barge until he had pushed 
up to a place where it was thick enough to walk safely ; then 


sending the barge back to the pinnace the whole party were 
landed by instalments. They quartered themselves in the 
first house they came to, and sent to The Powhatan for 
food. He sent them venison, turkeys, and corn-bread. 

The next day, January 13, the wily barbarian came to see 
Smith and asked him bluntly how soon he was going away. 
He had not asked the English, he said, to come and visit 
him, and he was sure he had no corn for them, nevertheless 
he thought he knew where he could get forty baskets of it 
for one good English sword per basket. Hearing this speech, 
Captain Smith pointed to the new house already begun, and 
to the men whom he had sent to build it, and saW, " Powha- 
tan, I am surprised to hear you say that you have not invited 
us hither ; you must have a short memory ! " At this retort 
the old chieftain burst into fits of laughter, but when he had 
recovered gravity it appeared that his notions as to a baigain 
remained unchanged. He would sell his com for swords and 
guns, but not for copper ; he could eat com, he could not 
Smithes eat copper. Then said Captain Smith, " Powhatan, 
?hl%ow-* ... to testify my love [for you] I sent -you my 
hatan j^cn for your building, neglecting mine own. What 

your people had, you have engrossed, forbidding them our 
trade; and now you think by consuming the time we shall 
consume for want, not having [wherewith] to fulfill your 
strange demands. As for swords and guns, 1 told you long 
ago I had none to spare. . . . You must know [that the 
wenpons] I have can keej") me from want ; yet steal or wrong 
you I will not, nor dissolve that friendship we have mutu- 
ally promised, except you constrain me by . . . bad usage." 
This covert threat was not lost upon the keen barbarian. 
He quickly replied that within two days the luiglish should 
have all the corn he could spare, but said he, •* I have some 
doubt, Captain Smith, [about] your coming hither, [which] 
makes me not so kindly seek to relieve you as I would. For 
many do inform me [that] your coming hither is not for 
trade, but to invade my people and possess my country. 
[They] dare not come to bring you corn, seeing you thus 





Tteafiircr , and to the Councdl and Ck>iiiiiany-of 

rifffnh htm : c^nmmding tbefrepntfetting vp 


Aiid die Letter of die Treafucer^Councell^and Company, t» 

ihtG0uenmrai$dCoHn€€lltfSiM there t far thefirieiexe^ 

eudon of hit Maicfties RoytHCommaods bcrdik 

AJfi 4 trei^eeftheArtofmM^Silky^ 

.* OR, .; 

DinQmsfar themdjdi^$ft0dgings^0idthe hreeding^emfluHgy 

•ndofdcriog of Silkcworroes^ and for the planting of Mulbcty 

irwr/, 4i Md^jt h t rMmgi.M$tigmgHtbeSiikfAri. 

Together with inftru Aionshow ro plant and dreflc Vincs,an3 

to make Wine, andhwi. t$ irj Rdifins, Figs, and ether fruits, 

and CO fetOliucs, Oranges, Leinonf,Ponicgranates« 

j1im9§ Ul ^^09t d muy ether frMs^ ^. 

And in the end , aCondufion, With'fundry profitable 
rcmenfinmccs te tin Celenies. 

Set foonhfor the benefit of the tivo renowned and moft 
hopcfiill Sifters, rirginia, and the SHmmr-lUnds. 

By UhnBenoeil iTcnclunan/cruant in thefe imployments 

to his mofl: Excellent Maiefty of Great ^''/«4/>^ 

Fr4NCCyIreLNd,yirgiftiit^:ii\d tiic Summer-llwas. 

Published by Authority. 

London Printed by I'dis KpgUon. i6t%* 



anned with y«mr men. To free u$ of this fear, l«ive your 
wempoa^ aboard [the ship]^ far here tliey are n^djess, we 
being aU fricadi^ and fore%Tcr Purckaians,'^ 

This last remark* that Smith*s men acre ^'btually or con- 
$frticli\-ely rnembers of the F\>irha£aii tribe is in haimony 
with my suggestioa that the r^cae of their leader by Poca- 
hontas a year brfore had directly led to his adoptior), accord- 
ing to the usual lodian cu^oin in such cases of rescue With 
many such disomrses^ siys om* chriKikle;, dkj they spend the 
day ; and on the tmrrow the parley was renew^ Again 
and again the old chief insisted that before the com could 
be brought, the i^iturs must leave their arms on shipboard ; 
but Smith was not so blind as to wulk into stich a trap. He 
said* ** Powhatan, . , . ihe \ow I made >t>u of my love, both 
myself and my men have kqit. As for your promise, I find 
it c\*er)" flay violated by some of your subjects ; yet . . * f or 
• your sake only we have curbed onr thirsting desire of re- 
\Tenge ; else had they known as »^ll the cruelty we use to 
our enemies as our true love and courtesy to our friends* 
And I think your judgment suHicient to concei%'€ — as well 
by the adventures we ha\^ undertaken as by the advantage 
we have [in] our arms [over] }'ours — that had we intended 
you any hurt, we could long ere this have effected it. Your 
people coming to Jamestown are entertained v\'ith their bows 
and arrows, without any exceptions ; we esteeming it with 
you as it is with us, to wear our arms as our apparel." Hav- 
A game of ^"& made this hit, the captain assumed a still loftier 
bluff tone. It would never do to admit that this blessed 

corn, though the cause of so much parley, was an indispen- 
sable necessity for the white men. "As for your hiding 
your provisions . . . we shall not so unadvisedly starve as 
you conclude ; your friendly care in that behalf is needless, 
for we have [ways of finding food that are quite] beyond 
your knowledge." 

The narrative which I am here following ^ is wTitten by 
William Phettiplace, captain of the pinnace, Jeffrey Abbot, 
^ Smith's Works, pp. 448-465. 


described as sergeant, and two of the original settlers, Anas 
Todkill and Richard Wiffin. Abbot and Phettiplace were 
on the spot, and the narrative was revised by Captain Smith 
himself, so that it has the highest kind of authority. One 
need but examine the similar parleys described so frequently 
by Francis Parkman, to realize the faithful accuracy with 
which these Englishmen portrayed the Indian at that early 
period when English experience of the red man's ways was 
only beginning. 

The hint that perhaps white men could get along without 
his corn after all seems to have wrought its effect upon the 
crafty Powhatan. Baskets filled with the yellow xhecom 
grain were brought, and dickering as distinguished ^^ brought 
from diplomacy began. Yet diplomacy had not quite given 
up its game. With a sorrowful face and many sighs the 
chief exclaimed : " Captain Smith, I never used any chief so 
kindly as yourself, yet from you I receive the least kindness 
of any. Captain Newport gave me swords, copper, clothes, 
a bed, towels, or what[ever] I desired ; ever taking what I 
offered him, and would send away his guns when I entreated 
him. None doth . . . refuse to do what I desire but only 
you ; of whom I can have nothing but what you regard not, 
and yet you will have whatsoever you demand. . . . You call 
me father, but I see . . . you will do what you list. . . . 
But if you intend so friendly as you say, send hence your 
arms that I may believe you." 

Smith felt sure that this whimpering speech was merely 
the cover for a meditated attack. Of his thirty-eight Eng- 
lishmen but eighteen were with him at the moment. He 
sent a messenger to his vessels, ordering all save a guard of 
three or four men to come ashore, and he set some Indians 
to work breaking]: the ice, so that the baro:e could 


be forced up near to the bank. For a little while of treach- 
Captain Smith and John Russell were left alone in ^^ 
a house with The Powhatan and a few squaws, when all at 
once the old chief slipped out and disappeared from view. 
While Smith was talking with the women a crowd of armed 


warriors surrounded the house, btit instantly Smith and RuSr 
sell sprang forth and with drawn swords charged upon them 
so furiously that they all turned and fled, tumbling over one 
another in their headlong terror. 

This incident gave the Englishmen a moral advantage. 
The Indian plot, if such it was, had failed, and now the red 
men *' to the uttermost of their skill sought excuses to dis- 
semble the matter ; and Powhatan, to excuse his flight and 
Lthe sudden coming of this multitude, sent our Captain a great 
[bracelet and a chain of pearl,^ by an ancient orator that 
espoke us to this pnrpcjse ; perceiving even then from our 
^Amiy pinnace, a barge and men departing and coming 
speaker ^^^^^ ^^ . — Captain Smith, our [chief] is fled ; fear- 
ing your gims, and knowing when the ice was broken there 
would come more men, sent these numbers but to guard his 
com from stealing, [which] might happen without your 
knowledge. Now, though some be hurt by your misprision, 
yet [The] Powhatan is your friend, and so will forever con- 
tinue. Now since the ice is open he would have you send 
away your corn, and if you would have his company send 
away also your guns/' It was ingeniously if not ingenu- 
ously said, but the concluding request remained unheeded, 
and Smith never set eyes on his Father Powhatan again. 
With faces frowning, guns loaded and cocked, the English- 
men stood by while a file of Indians with baskets on their 
backs carried down the corn and loaded it into the barge. 
The Indians were glad to get safely done with such work ; 
as the chronicle observes, "we needed not importune them 
to make despatch." 

The Englishmen would at once have embarked, but the 
retreating tide had left the barge stranded, so that it was 
necessary to wait for the next high water. Accordingly it 
was decided to pass the night in the house where they were 
already quartered, which was a kind of outpost at some dis- 
tance from the main village, and they sent word to The 
Powhatan to send them some supper. Then the Indians 
* Wampum is undoubtedly meant. 


seem to have debated the question whether it would be 
prudent to surprise and slay them while at supper or after- 
ward while asleep. But that ** dearest jewel," Pocahontas, 
says the narrative, "in that dark night came through the 
irksome woods, and told our Captain great cheer 
should be sent us by and by ; but Powhatan and all tas reveals 
the power he could make would after[ward] come ^ ^ ° 
kill us all, if [indeed] they that brought it [did] not kill us 
. . . when we were at supper. Therefore if we would live 
she wished us presently to be gone. Such things as she 
delighted in [we] would have given her ; but w4th the tears 
running down her cheeks she said she durst not be seen to 
have any, for if Powhatan should know it she were but 
dead ; and so she ran away by herself as she came." Within 
less than an hour eight or ten stalwart Indians appeared, 
bringing venison and other dainties, and begged the P2nglish 
to put out the matches of their matchlocks, for the smell of 
the smoke made them sick. Our narrator tells us nothing 
of the sardonic smile which we are sure that he and his 
comrades can hardly have suppressed. The captain sent 
the messengers back to Father Powhatan, with a concise 
but significant message: "If he is coming to visit smith's 
me to-night let him make haste, for I am ready to jf^e^^Prnv^^ 
receive him." One can imagine how such an an- ^^*^" 
nouncement would chill the zeal of the Indians. A few of 
their scouts prowled about, but the English kept vigilant 
guard till high tide and then sailed away. A queer inter- 
view it had been. With some of hell's fiercest passions 
smouldering beneath the surface, an explosion had been pre- 
vented by watchful tact on the one side and vague dread on 
I he other. Peace had been preserved between the strange 
white chieftain and his dusky father, and two Englishmen 
were left at W'erowocomoco, with the four Germans, to go on 
with the house-building. If our chronicle is to be trusted, 
the Germans played a base part. Believing that the Eng- 
lish colony would surely perish of famine, they sought their 
own profit in fraternizing with the Indians. So, no sooner 


ha4 SmttM'i vessels departed fToin Werowocamcica cm their 
way up to OpckankanQs village^ ihan two of these ** damrwd 
Dutchmen/' as the narrator csJk tbcm, weat averkiid to 
JatDcstQwn and said that Capuio Smith had sent tbeni for 
mom wcsipons ; in this way th<ry got a nimiber of swords 
pikes, muskets, and hatchets, md traded them off to 
redskins at Werowocomoco* 

Meanwhile Smiths party arrived at Opekankano's vtDag? 
near the place where the l^amunkey and Mattapony rivers 
unite to fc^rm the York, The chief of the Pamunkeys te- 
ccivcd them with smiles and smooth words, but seems to 
have meditated treachery. At all events the Englishmen 
so Interpreted it when they found themselves unexpectedly 
surrounded by a great crowd of armed warriors numbering 
HvmOpp^ several hundreds. It was not prudent to fire on 
^JJ^^ such a number if it could be avoided ; actual blood- 
brtrnf^t to shed might do more harm than good ; a peaceable 
display of boldness was better. It might have 
been jind pnibably was reracmbered that the Spaniards in 
theWeKi Indies had often overawed all opposition by seizing 
the per^n of the chief. After a brief consultation Smith, 
accompanied by West and Percy rmd Russell, rushed into 
Opekankano's house, seized him by the long scalp-lock, 
dragged him before the astonished multitude, and held a 
pistol to his breast. Such prompt audacity was its own 
safeguard. The corn was soon forthcoming, and the little 
expedition made its way back to Jamestown, loaded with 
some 300 bushels of it, besides a couple of hundredweight 
of venison and deer suet. In itself it was but a trifle of a 
pound of meat and a bushel and a half of grain for each 
person in the colony. But the chief result was the profound 
impression made upon the Indians. A few years later such 
a bold treatment of them would have been attended with far 
more difficulty and danger, would seldom indeed have been 
possible. Hut in 1609 the red man had not yet learned to 
j.mge the killing capacity of the white man ; he was aware 
it i:errible powers there which he could not estimate, and 

NUllDl.AS I'ARKAU.N KKl.hll'T 


«af^ tbcfirforc inrilncd to or oo the side of prtulence. This 
saddoi imqitiaiD of abotn forty white men into the principil^ 
iwiSan vffleges and tli^ g|ga.acff uJ dcmeaaoiir there seeitu 
to show that after all it wotiki be wiser to h^Lve them for 
friends than for enemies^ A cottple of accidems confirmed 
this view of the c^se. 

One day as three q( the Chickahaminy tribe were loiter- 
ing about Jamestown* admiring the rude f*rrtifications, one 
of them stole a pistol and flc^ to the woods with it, Hi^ 
two comrades were arrested and one was hdd in durance 
while the tJther w^^ sent out to reco\Tr the pistol He was 
made to midergitand that if he failed it) bring it back, the 
hoiitagc would be put to death. As it was intensely Go!d, 
some cfaarcoal was charitably furnished for the prisoner's 
^... hut. In the evening his friend returned with the 

worker of pLstol, mm then the pnsoncr was found apparently 
dead, suffocated with the fumes of the charcoa], 
whereupm the friend broke forth into loud lamentations. 
But the Englishmen soon perceivt^d that some life was still 
left in the unconscious and prostrate form, and Smith told 
the wailing Indian that he could restore his friend to life^ 
only there mu«^t he no more steal in (^. Then with brandy 
and vinegar and friction the failing heart and arteries were 
stimulated to their work, the dead savage came to life, and 
the two comrades, each with a small present of copper, 
went on their way rejoicing. 

The other affair was more tragic. An Indian at Werowo- 
comoco had got |)ossessi()n of a bag of gunpowder, and was 
playing with it while his comrades were pressing closely 
about him, when all at once it took fire and exploded, killing 
three or four of the group and scorching the rest. Where- 
A pretty u|)on our chroniclcr tells us, •* These and other such 
accident pretty acciilcnts so amazed and affrighted Powha- 
tan and all his people, that from all parts with presents they 
desired |)eace, returning many stolen things which we never 
demanded nor thought of ; and after that . . . all the coun- 
try became absolutely us five for us as for themselves. " 


The good effects of this were soon apparent. . With his 
mind relieved from anxiety about the Indians, Smith had his 
hands free for work at Jamestown. One of the most serious 
difficulties under which the colony laboured was the com- 
munistic plan upon which it had been started. The settlers 
had come without wives and children, and each man worked 
not to acquire property for himself and his family but to fur- 
ther the general purposes of the colony. In planting corn, 
in felling trees, in repairing the fortifications, even in hunt- 
ing or fishing, he was working for the community ; commun- 
whatsoever he could get by his own toil or by trade *^"* 
with the natives went straightway into the common stock, 
and the skilful and industrious fared no better than the 
stupid and lazy. The strongest kind of premium was thus 
at once put upon idleness, which under circumstances of ex- 
treme anxiety and depression is apt enough to flourish without 
any premium. Things had arrived at such a pass that some 
thirty or forty men were supporting the whole company of 
two hundred, when President Smith applied the strong hand. 
He gathered them all together one day and plainly told them 
that he was their lawfully chosen ruler and should promptly 
punish all infractions of discipline, and they must all under- 
stand that hereafter he that will not work shall not eat. His 
authority had come to be great, and the rule was enforced. 
By the end of April some twenty houses had been built, a 
well of pure sweet water had been dug in the fort, thirty 
acres or more of ground had been broken up and planted, 
and nets and weirs arranged for fishing. A few hogs and 
fowl had been left by Newport, and now could be heard the 
squeals of sixty pigs and the peeping of five hundred spring 
chickens. The manufacture of tar and soai>ashes went on, 
and a new fortress was begun in an easily defensible position 
upon a commanding hill. 

This useful work was suddenly interrupted by an unfore- 
.seen calamity. Rats brought from time to time by ^-nbidden 
the ships had quickly multij)lied, and in April these n^^ssmates 
unbidden guests were found to have made such havoc in the 




granaries that but Brtk com was left, Han^est time ivas 
a Imkg way oS, and it was necessan^ to pause for a ndisle and 
eoOect pforisioos. Several Indium villages were again visited 
atid trading went an amicaUy, but there was a limit to the 
aid the barbamns had it in their power to gh^e, aitd in the 
i}ii^t of sostenance the settlers were scattered By midsum- 
mer a few WGT^ pickii^ berries in the n-oods, others were 
quartered among the Indians, so«ne ui^re lixing on oysters 
and caviar, some were dowB at Point Contfort catching fish, 
and it vsas these thai were the first to hail tbe bark of young 
Samuel Argall, who was coming for sturgeon and whatever 
else he ccpuld Hod, and bad steered a stratghter course trom 
nam^at l^n<)<3V> ^^^^ ^^X mariner before htm. Argall 
A***" brought lettcfs'from members of the Company 
complaining that the goods sent home in the ships iji^re not 
ol greater value tn the market, and saving that Smith had 
been accused of d^ing harshly with the Indians- This must 
have referred to some skirmishes he had had with the Rappa- 
hannocks and other tribes in the course of his exploration of 
the Chesapeake waters during the previous summer. An- 
other piece of news w^ brought by Argall. The London 
Company had obtained a new charter, and a great expedi- 
tion, commanded by Lord Delaware, was about to sail for 

This was true. The experience of two years had con- 
vinced the Company that its methods needed mending. In 
the first place more money was needed and the list of share- 
Second holders was greatly enlarged. By the second char- 
chartcrof tcf, dated Mav 23, 160Q, the Company \vzs made a 

the London . \ ' . ^ , • , , 

Company, Corporation and all its members were mentioned by 
'^ name. The list was headed by Robert Cecil, Earl 

of Salisbury, and contained among other interesting names 
those of the philosopher Bacon and of Sir Oliver Cromwell, 
from whose nephew, then a lad at Huntingdon School, the 
world was by and by to hear. On the list we find the names 
of 659 persons, of whom 21 were peers, 96 were knights, 11 
were clergymen and physicians, 53 are described as captains, 




28 as engineers, 58 as gentlemen, 1 10 as merchants, while 
the remaining 282 are variously designated or only the name 
is given. "Of these about 230 paid £,n los. or more, about 
229 paid less than £,n los., and about 200 failed to pay 


anything." ^ It should be borne in mind that ^37 los. at 
that time was equivalent to at least S750 of to-day. Besides 
these individuals, the contains the companies of mercers, 
grocers, drapers, fishmongers, vintnens, brewers, masons, law- 
yers, fletchers, armourers, and others, — in all fifty-six com- 
1 Hrown's Genesis, i. 228. 


paiiies of the city of London. Such a list, as well as the 
profusion of sermons and tracts on Virginia that were poured 
forth at the time, bespeaks a general interest in the enter- 
prise. The Company was incorporated under the name of 
*'The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters 
of the City of London for the First Colony in Virginia/' 
Nothing was said about the Second Colony, so that by this 
charter the London Company was unyoked from the Fly- 
inouth Company. 

The jurisdiction of the reorganized London Company was 
to extend 200 miles south and 200 miles north of Old I*oint 
Comfort, which would not quite contain all of North Cart)- 
lina but would easily include Maryland and Delaware. The 
The government of this region was vested in a supreme 

coundi in council sitting in London, the constitution of which 
was remarkable. Its members were at the outset 
appointed by the king, but all vacancies were thereafter to 
be filled by the vote of the whole body of 659 persons and 
56 tradegnilds cDnstituting the Company. The sole power 
of legislation for Virginia^ with the right to appoint all colo- 
nial officers, was vested in the council. Besides thus exer- 
cising entire sovereignty over Virginia, the Company was 
authorized to levy and collect custom-house duties and even 
to wage war for purely defensive purposes. Thus this great 
corporation was made virtually independent of Parliament, 
with a representative government of its own. 

As for the local government in Virginia, it was entirely 
changed. The working of the local council with its elected 
president had been simply ludicrous. Two presi- 
govern. dcnts had been deposed and sent home, while 
"^^" the councillors had done nothing but quarrel and 

threaten each other's lives, and one had been shot for 
mutiny. Order and quiet had not been attained until Presi- 
dent Smith became autocratic, after the other members of 
the council had departed or died. Now the new charter 
abolished the local council, and the direct rule was to be 
exercised by a governor with autocratic power over the set- 


tiers, but responsible to the supreme council in London, by 
which he was appointed. 

For the Company as thus reorganized the two most im- 
portant executive offices were filled by admirable appoint- 
ments. The treasurer was the eminent merchant Sir 
Thomas Smith, of whom some account has already been 
given. For governor of Virginia the council ap- 
pointed Thomas West, third Baron Delaware, whose Lord 
younger brother, Francis West, we have seen help- 
ing John Smith to browbeat the Indians at Werowocomoco 
and Pamunkey. This Lord Delaware belonged to a family 
distinguished for public service. On the mother's side he 
was nearly related to Queen Elizabeth. In America he is 
forever identified with the history of Virginia, and he has 
left a name to one of our great rivers, to a very interest- 
ing group of Indians, and to one of the smallest states in 
our Union. With New England, too, he has one link of 
association ; for his sister, Penelope West, married I lerbert 
Pelham, and their son was the first treasurer of Harvard 
College. Thomas West, born in 1577, was educated at 
Oxford, served with distinction in the Netherlands, and was 
knighted for bravery in 1599. He succeeded to the barony 
of Delaware in 1602, and was a member of the Privy Council 
of Elizabeth and James I. No one was more warmly enlisted 
than he in the project of founding Protestant PInglish colo- 
nies in the New World. To this cause he devoted himself 
with ever growing enthusiasm, and when the London Com- 
pany was remodelled he was appointed governor of Virginia 
for life. With him v/cre associated the sturdy soldier, Sir 
Thomas Gates, as lieutenant-governor, and the old sea rover, 
Sir George Somcrs, as admiral. 

The spring of 1609 ^^'^*^ spent in organizing a new expedi- 
tion, while Smith and his weary followers were struggling 
with the damage wrought by rats. People out of work were 
attracted by the communistic programme laid down by the 
Company. The shares were rated at about S300 each, to 
use our modern figures, and emigration to Virginia entitled 



the emigrant to one share. So far as needful the proceeds 
of the enterprise ** were to be spent upon the set- 
nwtic pro tlement, and the surplus was either to be divided 
griiiinic ^^ funded for seven years. During that period the 
settlers were to be maintained at the expense of the Com- 
pany, while all the product of their labours was to be cast 

into the common stock. At the 
y"^ Ti -^ jf^ ^rid of that time every shareholder 

was to receive a grant of land in 
proportion to his stock held/* ' 
Doubtless the prospects of becom- 
ing a shareholder in a great speculative enterprise^ and of 
being supjx^rted by the Company, must have seemed allur- 
ing to many people in difficult circumstances. At all events, 
some 500 people — men, women, and children — were got 
together. A fleet of nine ships, with ample supplies^ was 
entrusted to Newport, and in his ship, the Sea Venture, 
were Gates and Somers, who were to take the colony under 
their personal sui:»ervision, t^ord Delaware remained in 
London, planning further developments of the enterprise. 
Three more trusty men he could hardly have sent out But 
a strangle fate was knocking at the door. 

On the first of June, 1609, the fleet set sail and took the 
route by the Azores. Toward the end of July, as they wete 
getting within a week's sail of the American coast, the ships 
were "caught in the tail of a hurricane," one of them was 
sunk, and the Sea Venture was separated from all 
the rest. That gallant ship was sorely shaken and 
torn, so that for five days the crew toiled steadily 
in relays, pumping and baling, while the water seemed to be 
gaining upon them. Many of the passengers abandoned 
themselves to despair and to rum, or, as an eye-witness tells 
us, " some of them, having good and comfortable waters in the 
ship, fetched them and drank one to the other, taking their 
last leave one of the other until their more joyful and happy 
meeting in a more blessed world." ^ The company were 

* Doyle's Virginia, p. 128. 

^ Plain Description of the Bermudas^ p. 10 ; apud Force, vol. iii. 

Wreck of 
the Sea 



saved by the skill and energy of the veteran Somers, who 
for three days and nights never once left the quarter-deck. 
At length land was sighted, and presently the Sea Venture 


was driven violently aground and wedged immovable be- 
tween two rocks, a shattered wreck. Hut all her people, a 
hundred and fifty or so, were saved, and most of their gear 
was brought away. 


The island on which they were wrecked was one of a group 
the early history of which is shrouded in strange mystery. 
If my own solution of an obscure problem is to be trusted, 
these islands had once a fierce cannibal population, whose 
first white visitors, Vincent Pin2on and Araericus Vespucius, 
landed among them on St Bernard's day in August, 1498, 
and carried off more than 200 slaves. ^ Hence the place was 
called St. Iiernard*s archipelago, but on crudely glimmering 
The maps went wide astray and soon lost its identity, 

ikfiniidas jj^ JJ22 a Spanish captain^ Juan Bermudez, ha[> 
pened to land there and his name has remained. But in the 
inter\^ening years Spanish slave^hunters from San Domingo 
had infested those islands and reaped and gleaned the har\*est 
of heathen flesh till no more was to be had. The ruthless 
cannibals were extirpated by the more ruthless seekers for 
gold, and w*hen Bermudez stopped there he found no humaii 
inhabitants, but only swine running wild, a sure witness to 
the recent presence of Europeans. Then for nearly a cen- 
tury the un visited spot was haunted by the echoes of a fright- 
ful past, wild traditions of ghoulish orgies and infernal strife. 
But the kidnapper's work in which these vague notions ori- 
ginated was so soon forgotten that when the Sea Venture 
was wrecked those islands were believed to have been from 
time immemorial uninhabited. Sailors shunned them as a 
scene of abominable sorceries, and called them the Isles of 
Demons. Otherwise they were known simply by the Span- 
ish skipper's name as the Bermoothes, afterward more com- 
pletely anglicized into Bermudas. From the soil of those foul 
goblin legends, that shuddering reminiscence of inexpiable 
crime, the potent sorcery of genius has reared one of the 
most exquisitely beautiful, ethereally delicate works of human 
fancy that the world has ever seen. The wreck of the Sea 
Venture suggested to Shakespeare many hints for the Tem- 
pest, which was written within the next two years and per- 
formed before the king in 161 1. It is not that these islands 
were conceived as the scene of the comedy ; the command 
^ See my Discovery 0/ America, ii. 59. 



to Ariel to go and " fetch dew from the still-vexed Ber- 
moothes " seems enough to show that Prospero's enchanted 
isle was elsewhere, doubtless in some fairy universe hard by 
the Mediterranean. But from the general conception of 
monsters of the isle down to such incidents as the flashing 
light on the shrouds of the ship, it is clear that Shakespeare 
made use of Strachey's narrative of the wreck of the Sea 
Venture, published in 1610. 

Gates and Somers found the Isles of Demons far plea- 
santer than their reputation, and it was well for them that it 
was so, for they were obliged to stay there nearly j^„^^^^ ^^ 
ten months, while with timber freshly cut and with ^^^ f«^- 

* -^ . naces at 

bolts and beams from the wreck the party built Jamestown, 
two pinnaces which they named Patience and De- ' 
liverance. They laid in ample stores of salted pork and fish, 
traversed the 700 miles of ocean in a fortnight, and arrived 
at Jamestown on the loth of May, , - 

1610. The spectacle that greeted T^cJtfzA^ JfTx^rkH 
them was enough to have appalled 

the stoutest heart. To explain it in a few words, we must 
go back to August, 1609, when the seven ships that had 
weathered the storm arrived in Virginia and landed their 300 
or more passengers, known in history as the Third Supply. 

Since the new dignitaries and all their official documents 
were in the Bermuda wreck, there was no one among the 
new-comers in Virginia competent to succeed Smith .Arrival of 
in the government ; but the mischief-makers, Rat- ^^^ ™'^ 


cliffe and Archer, were unfortunately among them, August, 
and the former instantly called upon Smith to abdi- 
cate in his favour. He had persuaded many of the new- 
comers to support him, but the old settlers were loyal to 
Smith, and there was much confusion until the latter ar- 
rested Ratcliffe as a disturber of the peace. The quality of 
the new emigration was far inferior to the older. The older 
settlers were mostly gentlemen of character ; of the new 
ones far too many were shiftless vagabonds, or, as Smith 
says, *' unruly gallants, packed thither by their friends to 



escape iU desttajesw'* Tbey were sure to make trouble, but 
for a while Smith held tiiero in check. The end of hU stay 
^^ in Vlrgmia iras» homev^^ approaching. He was de- 
^»^ termmed lo find some better site for a colony than 
o^o^, tbe low marshy Jatnesiown ; so in September he 
*^ sailed up to the Indian vOlage called Poi^-hatan and ^i 

bought of the nathes a tract of land ui that neighbourhoodb^| 
oear to whene Richmond now stands, — a range of hills, ^^ 
ialabdo4i& and iMensible, »itfa so fair a landscape that Smith 
called the place NociestidL On the ^'ay back to Jamestown 
a bag of gunpowder In his beat exploded and wounded him 

m badly that he vk*2s completely disabled T*he case de^ 

manded such surgery as the wilderness could not furnish, 
and as the ships were sailing for England early in October 
he went in one of them. He seems also to have welcomed 
this opportunity of answering sundry charges brought against 
him by the Ratcliffe faction. Some flying squirrels were 
sent home to amuse King James.^ 

The arrival of the ships in England, with news of the dis- 
appearance of the Sea Venture and the danger of anarchy 
Lord Deia- ^" Virginia, alarmed Lord Delaware, and he re- 
rr/vv*''* solved to go as soon as possible and take command 
Rinia, of his colouy. About the first of April he set sail 

pri , 1 10 ^^ .^j^ about 1 50 persons, mostly mechanics. He had 
need to make all haste. Jamestown had become a pande- 
monium. Smith left George Percy in command, but that 
^ NeilPs Virginia Company j p. 32. 


excellent gentleman was in poor health and unable to exert 
much authority. There were now 500 mouths to be filled, 
and the stores of food diminished with portentous rapidity. 
The "unruly gallants" got into trouble with the Indians, 
who soon responded after their manner. They slaughtered 
the .settlers' hogs for their own benefit, and they murdered 
the .settlers themselves when opportunity was offered. The 
worthless Ratcliffe and thirty of his men were slain at one 
fell swoop while they were at the Pamunkey village, trading 
with The Powhatan.^ As the frosts and snows came more 
shelter was needed than the cabins already built could fur- 
nish. Many died of the cold. The approach of spring saw 
the last supplies of food consumed, and famine began to 
claim its victims. Soon there came to be more houses than 
occupants, and as fast as one was emptied by death it was 
torn down for firewood, h^ven palisades were stripped from 
their framework and thrown into the blaze, for cold was a 
nearer foe than the red men. The latter watched nombie 
the course of events with savage glee, and now and *"^®""»* 
then, lurking in the neighbourhood, shot flights of arrows 
tipped with death. A gang of men stole one of the pin- 
naces, armed her heavily, and ran out to sea, to help them- 
selves by piracy. After the last ba.sket of corn had been 
devoured, people lived for a while on roots and herbs, after 
which they had recourse to cannibalism. The corpse of a 
slain Indian was boiled and eaten. Then the star\'ing com- 
pany began cooking their own dead. One man killed his 
wife and salted her, and had eaten a considerable part of 
her body before he was found out. This was too much for 
people to endure ; the man was tied to a .stake and burned 
alive. Such were the goings on in that awful time, to which 
men long afterward alluded as the Starving Time. No won- 
der that one |X)or wretch, crazed with agony, cast his Bible 
into the fire, crying "Alas! there is no God." 

When Smith left the colony in October, it numbered 
about 500 souls. When Gates and Somers and Newport 

* See Spelman's account of the affair, in Smith's Works, pp. cii-cv. 

arrived from the Bermudas in May, they found a haggard 
remnant of 60 all told, men, women, and children scarcely 
able to totter about the ruined village, and with the gltiam of 
madness in their eyes. The pinnaces brought food for their 
relief, but with things in such a state there was no use in 
try^ing to get through the summer The provisions in store 
would not last a month. The three brave captains consulted 
together and decided, with tears in their eyes, that Vir^ginia^ 
must be abandoned. Since Raleigh first began, every at- 
virginta tempt had ended in miserable failure, and this last 
abandoned calamity was the most crushing of all. What hope 
could there be that North America would ever be colonized ? 
What men could endure more than had been endured al- 
ready? It was decided to go up to the Newfoundland fish- 
ing stations and get fish there, and then cross to England. 
On Thursday the 7th of June, 1610, to the funereal roll of 
dnims, the cabins were stripped of such things as could be 
carried away, and the doleful company went aboard the pin- 
naces, weighed anchor, and started down the river. As the 
arching trees at Jamestown recedetl from the view, and the 
sombre silence of the forest settled over the deserted spot, it 
seemed indeed that ''earth's paradise/' Virginia, the object 
of so much longing, the scene of so much fruitless striving, 
was at last abandoned to its native Indians. But it had been 
otherwise decreed. That night a halt was made at Mulberry 
Island, and next morning the voyage was resumed. Toward 
noonday, as the little ships were speeding their way down 
the ever widening river, a black speck was seen far below on 
Arrival of the broad waters of Hampton Roads, and every eye 
war^,fune' ^^^ Strained. It was no red man's canoe. It was 
8, 1610 ^ longboat. Yes, Heaven be praised ! the gover- 
nor s own longboat with a message. His three well-stocked 
ships had passed Point Comfort, and he himself was with 
them ! 

Despair gave place to exultant hope, words of gratitude 
and congratulation were exchanged, and the prows were 
turned up-stream. On Sunday the three staunch captains 






Stood with their followers drawn up in military array before 
the dismantled ruins of Jamestown, while Lord Delaware 
stepped from his boat, and, falling upon his knees on the 
shore, lifted his hands in prayer, thanking God that he had 
come in time to save Virginia. 



Of late years there has been some discussion as to which 
of the flowers or plants indigenous to the New World might 
most properly be selected as a national emblem for the 
United States of America, and many persons have expressed 
, , a preference for that most beautiful of cereals. In- 

dian com, Certamly it would be dimcult to over- 
rate the historic importance of this plant. Of the part which 
it played in aboriginal' America I have elsewhere treated.* 
To the first English settlers it was of vital consequence* 
But for Indian corn the company of Pilgrims at Plymouth 
would have succumbed to famine, like so many other such 
little colonies. The settlers at Jamestown depended upon 
com from the outset, and when the supply stopped the Starv- 
ing Time came quickly. We can thus appreciate the value 
to the Pilgrims of the alliance with Massasoit, and to the 
Virginians of the amicable relations for some time main- 
tained with The Powhatan. We are also furnished with the 
means of estimating the true importance of John Smith and 
his work in the first struggle of English civilization with the 
Importance wildcmcss. Whether we suppose that Smith in his 
of Smith's writings unduly exalts his own work or not, one 

thing is clear. It is impossible to read his narra- 
tive without recognizing the hand of a man supremely com- 
petent to deal with barbarians. No such character as that 
which shines out through his pages could ever have been 

* See my Discovery. of America, i. 27, 28, ^nd passim. For a national 
floral emblem, however, the columbine {aquilegid) has probably more 
points in its favour than any other. 


invented. To create such a man by an effort of imagination 
would have been far more difficult than to be such a man. 
One of the first of Englishmen to deal with Indians, he had 
no previous experience to aid him ; yet nowhere have the red 
men been more faithfully portrayed than in his pages, and 
one cannot fail to note this unrivalled keenness of observa- 
tion,which combined with rare sagacity and coolness to make 
him always say and do the right things at the right times. 
These qualities kept the Indians from hostility and made 
them purveyors to the needs of the little struggling colony. 

Besides these qualities Smith had others which marked 
him out as a natural leader of men. His impulsiveness and 
plain speaking, as well as his rigid enforcement of discipline, 
made him some bitter enemies, but his comrades in general 
spoke of him in terms of strong admiration and devotion. 
His nature was essentially noble, and his own words bear 
witness to it, as in the following exhortation : " See- ^Q'^^^y of 
ing we are not born for ourselves, but each to help *^" "*'"'"« 
other, and our abilities are much alike at the hour of our 
birth and the minute of our death ; seeing our good deeds 
and our bad, by faith in Christ's merits, is all we have to 
carry our souls to heaven or to hell ; seeing honour is our 
lives' ambition, and our ambition after death to have an hon- 
ourable memory of our life ; and seeing by no means we 
would be abated of the dignities and glories of our prede- 
cessors, let us imitate their virtues to be worthily their suc- 
cessors." So wrote the man of whom Thomas Fuller 
quaintly said that he had "a prince's heart in a beggar's 
purse," and to whom one of his comrades, a surv^ivor of the 
Starving Time, afterward paid this touching tribute : " Thus 
we lost him that in all our proceedings made justice his first 
guide, . . . ever hating baseness, sloth, pride, and indignity 
more than any dangers ; that never allowed more for himself 
than his soldiers with him ; that upon no danger would send 
them where he would not lead them himself; that would 
never see us want what he either had or could by any means 
get us ; that would rather want than borrow, or star\'c than 


not pay ; that loved action more than words, and hated false- 
hood and covetousness worse than death ; whose adventures 
were our lives and whose loss our deaths,'' ^ 

It is, indeed, in all probabijity true that losing Smith was 
the chief cause of the horrors of the Starving Time. The 
colony was not ill supplied when he left it, in October, 1609, 
for the stock of hogs had increased to about 600, and the 
Third Supply had brought sheep and gc»ats as well as horses. 
All this advantage had been destroyed by the active hostility 
of the Indians, which was due to the outrageous conduct of 
white ruffians whom Smith would have restrained or pun- 
Htit fijT ished But for this man s superb courage and re- 
coiony ^ sourcefulness, one can hardly believe that the col- 
Sjy'havT^ ony would have lasted until 1609. More likely it 
i*mh«d would have perished in one of the earlier seasons 
of sore trial. It W7>uld have succumbed like Lane s colony, 
and White's, and Popham's ; one more would have been 
added to the sickening list of failures, and the hopes built 
upon Virginia in England would have been sadly dashed. 
The utmost ingenuity on the [)art of Smith's detractors 
can never do away w^ith the fact that his personal quali- 
ties did more than anything else to prevent such a direful 
calamity ; and for this reason he will always remain a great 
and commanding figure in American history. 

The arrival of Lord Delaware in June, 1610, was the pre- 
lude to a new state of things. The pathetic scene in which 
that high-minded nobleman knelt in prayer upon the shore 
at Jamestown heralded the end of the chaos through which 
Smith had steered the colony. But the change was not 
effected all in a moment. The evils were too deep-seated 
for that. There had been three principal sources of weak- 
ness : first, the lack of a strong government with 

Three . , , • ,, , 

sources of unqucstioucd authority ; secondly, the system of 

communism in labour and property ; thirdly, the 

low character of the emigrants. This last statement does 

not apply to the earlier settlers so much as to those who 

* Smith's Works, p. 486. 


began to come in 1609. The earliest companies were mainly 
composed of respectable persons, but as the need for greater 
numbers grew imperative, inducements were held out which 
attracted a much lower grade of people. Neither this evil 
nor the evils flowing from communism were remedied during 
Lord Delaware's brief rule, but the first evil was entirely 
removed. In such a rude settlement a system by which 
a council elected its president annually, and could depose 
him at any time, was sure to breed faction and strife ; 
strong government had been attained only when the strong 
man Smith was left virtually alone by the death or depar- 
ture of the other councillors. Now there was no council, 
but instead of it a governor appointed in London and 
clothed with despotic power. Lord Delaware was a man 
of strict integrity, kind and humane, with a talent for com- 
mand, and he was obeyed. His first act on that memorable 
June Sunday, after a sermon had been preached and his 
commission read, was to make a speech to the settlers, in 
which, to cite his own words, " I did lay some blames on 
them for many vanities and their idleness, earnestly wishing 
that I might no more find it so, lest I should be compelled 
to draw the sword of justice to cut off such delin- Lord Deia- 
quents, which I had much rather draw in their de- Sstra^ 
fence to protect from enemies." ^ Happily he was ^»"" 
not called upon to draw it except against the Indians, to 
whom he administered some wholesome doses of chastise- 
ment. The colonists were kept at work, new fortifications 
were erected and dismantled houses put in repair. The 
little church assumed a comfortable and dignified appearance, 
with its cedar pews and walnut altar, its tall pulpit and bap- 
tismal font. The governor was extremely fond of flowers 
and at all services would have the church decorated with the 
bright and fragrant wild growth of the neighbourhood. At 
such times he always appeared in the full dignity of velvet 
and lace, attended by a body-guard of spearmen in scarlet 
cloaks. A full-toned bell was hung in its place, and daily it 
^ IJrown's Genesis^ i. 407. 


notified the little industrial army when to begin and when 
to leave off the work of the day. 

Discipline was rigidly maintained^ but the old danger of 
faunine was not yet fully overcome The difficulty was fore- 
ucen immediately after Delaware's arri\ul, and the veteran 
Somers at once sailed with the two pinnaces for the Ber 
mudas, intending to bring back a cargo of salted pork and 
live hogs for breeding. His consort was commanded by 
Samuel Argall, a young kinsman of Sir Thomas Smith, the 
treasurer of the London Company. The two ships were 
f)arted by bad weather, and Somers, soon after landing at 
Dtoihof Bermuda, fell sick and died, with his last breath 
®^»ei»t commanding his men to fulfil their errand and go 
o«f Argyll, back to Virginia But they, disgusted with the 
wilderness and thinking only of themselves, went 
straight to England, taking with them the old knight's body 
embalmed. As for young Argalli the stress of weather 

drove him to Cape Cod, where 
, Os-H .^ ^V ^^ caught many fish ; then 

S^T^ii^ wffO^ cruising along the coast he 
r^ ^/Ft7 J reached Chesapeake Bay and 

went up the Potomac River, 
where he found a friend in the head sachem of the Potomac 
tribe and bought as much corn as his ship could carry. 
With these welcome supplies Argall reached Jamestown in 
September, and then Newport took the ships back to Eng- 
land, carrying with him Sir Thomas Gates to make a report 
of all that had happened and to urge the Company to fresh 
exertions. The winter of 1610-11 was a hard one, though 
not to be compared with the Starving Time of the year 
before. There were about 1 50 deaths, and Lord Delaware, 
becoming too ill to discharge his duties, sailed for England 
in March, 161 1, intending to send Gates immediately back 
to Virginia. George Percy, who had commanded the colony 
through the Starving Time, was again left in charge. 

Meanwhile the Company had been bestirring itself. A sur- 
vey of the subscription list for that winter shows that English 



pluck was getting aroused ; the colony must be set upon its 
feet. The list of craftsmen desired for Virginia is curious 
and interesting : millwrights, iron founders, makers of edge 
tools, colliers, woodcutters, shipwrights, fishermen, husband- 
men, gardeners, bricklayers, lime-burners, blacksmiths, shoe- 
makers, coopers, turners, gunmakers, wheelwrights, masons, 
millers, bakers, and brewers figure on the list with many 
others. But there must have been difficulty in getting 
enough of such respectable workmen together in due season 
for Newport's return trip ; for when that mariner started in 
March, 161 1, with three ships and 300 passengers, it was a 
more shiftless and graceless set of ne'er-do-weels than had 
ever been sent out before. One lesson, however, had been 
learned ; and victuals enough were taken to last the whole 
colony for a year. Gates, the deputy-governor, was not 
ready to go, and his place was supplied by Sir Thomas Dale, 
who for the purpose was appointed High Marshal ^,. 
of Virginia. Under that designation this remark- Thomas 
able man ruled the colony for the next five years, 
though his superior, Gates, was there with him for a small 
part of the time. Lord Delaware, whose tenure of office 
as governor was for life, remained during those {\\c years in 
England. If the Company erred in sending out scapegraces 
for settlers, it did its best to repair the error in sending such 
a man as Dale to govern them. Hard-headed, indomitable, 
bristling with energy, full of shrewd common-sense. Sir 
Thomas Dale was always equal to the occasion, and under 
his masterful guidance Virginia came out from the valley of 
the shadow of death. He was a soldier who had seen some 
of the hardest fighting in the Netherlands, and had after- 
ward been attached to the suite of Henry, Prince of Wales. 
He was connected by marriage with Sir Walter Raleigh and 
with the Berkelcys. 

Dale was a true English mastiff, faithful and kind but 
formidable when aroused, and capable of showing at times 
some traits of the old wolf. The modern excess of pity 
misdirected, which tries to save the vilest murderers from 


the gallows, iwxstild have been to him rncocnpTehensible. To 
the upright be was a iriend axid helper; to«*ard depraved 
offenders he was merciless^ and anw^ng those o^*er whom he 
was c^kd to rule there were many such. John Smith judi- 
ciotisl^ critiosed the policy of the Company in sending out 
such people ; for, he says, " when neither the fear of God, 
nor shame* tK»r displeasure of their friends could rule them 
[in England], there is small hope ever to bring one m twenty 
of them ever to be good [in Virginia]. Notwithstanding I 
confess divers amongst them had better minds and grew 
much more industrious than was expected ; yet ten gmxl 
workmen would have done more substantial work in a day 
than ten of them in a week." * It was not against those 
who had better minds thai Dale's heavy hand was directed ; 
it was reser\'ed for the incorrigible and crushed them. When 
he reached Jamestown, tn May, 161 ij he found that the two 
brief months of Percy's mild rtde had already begun to bear 
ill fruit ; men were playing at bowls in working hours, quite 
oblivious of planting and hoeing. 

To meet the occasion, a searching code of laws had al- 
ready been sanctioned by the Company, In this code sev- 
A Dfico- ^^ capital crimes were specified. Among them 
nian ccxie were failure to attend the church services, or blas- 
pheming God's name, or speaking *' against the known arti- 
cles of the Christian faith." Any man who should "un- 
worthily demean himself " toward a clergyman, or fail to 
** hold him in all reverent regard," was to be thrice publicly 
whipped, and after each whipping was to make public ac- 
knowledgment of the heinousness of his crime and the jus- 
tice of the punishment. Not only to speak evil of the king, 
but even to vilify the London Company, was a treasonable 
offence, to be punished with death. Other capital offences 
were unlicensed trading with the Indians, the malicious up- 
rooting of a crop, or the slaughter of cattle or poultry with- 
out the High Marshal's permission. For remissness in the 
daily work various penalties were assigned, and could be 
^ Smith's Works, p. 487. 



inflicted at the discretion of a court-martial. One of the 
first results of this strict discipline was a conspiracy to over- 
throw and perhaps murder Dale. The principal leader was 
that Jeffrey Abbot whom we have seen accompanying Smith 
on his last journey to Werowocomoco. The plot cruei pun- 
was detected, and Abbot and five other ringleaders *^*^™^"^ 
were put to death in what the narrator calls a " cruel and 
unusual*' manner, using the same adjectives which happen 
to occur in our Federal Constitution in its prohibition of 
barbarous punishments. It seems clear that at least one 
of the offenders was broken on the wheel, after the French 
fashion ; and on some other occasion a lawbreaker *' had a 
bodkin thrust through his tongue and was chained to a tree 
till he perished." But these were rare and extreme cases; 
the ordinary capital punishments were simply hanging and 
shooting, and they were summarily employed. Ralph Hamor, 
however, one of the most intelligent and fair-minded of con- 
temporary chroniclers, declares that Dale's severity was less 
than the occasion demanded, and that he could not have 
been more lenient without imperilling the existence of the 
colony.^ So the "Apostle of Virginia," the noble Alexander 
Whitaker, seems to have thought, for he held the High 
Marshal in great esteem. " Sir Thomas Dale," said he, " is 
a man of great knowledge in divinity, and of a good con- 
* science in all things, both which be rare in a martial man." 
In his leisure moments the stern soldier liked nothing so 
well as to sit and discuss abstruse points of theology with 
this excellent clergyman. 

But Dale was something more than a strong ruler and 
merciless judge. With statesmanlike insight he struck at 
one of the deepest roots of the evils which had afflicted the 
colony. Nothing had done so much to discourage steady 
labour and to foster idleness and mischief as the 
communism which had prevailed from the begin- nismin 
ning. This compulsory system of throwing all the p*^*^'*^*^ 
earnings into a common stock had just suited the lazy 
1 Smith's JVorJi:s, p. 508. 


ones. Your true communist is the man who likes to live on 
the fruits of other people's labour. If you look for him in 
' these days you are pretty sure to find him in a lager beer 
saloon, talking over schemes for rebuilding the universe. In 
the early days of Virginia the creature's nature was the same, 
and about one fifth of the papulation was thus called upon 
to support the whole. Under such circumstances it is won- 
derful that the colony survived until Dale could come and ' 
put an end to the system. It would not have done so, had 
not Smith and Delaware been able more or less to compel 
the laggards to work under penalties. Dale's strong common- 
sense taught him that to put men under the influence of the 
natural incentives to labour was better than to drive them to 
it by whipping them and slitting their ears. Only thus could 
the character of the colonists be permanently improved and 
Effects of the need for harsh punishments rela.xed So the 
J^imt-''^ worthy Dale took it upon himself to reform the 
nbni whole system. The colonist, from being a mem- 

ber of an industrial army, was at once transformed into a 
small landed proprietor, with three acres to cultivate for his 
own use and behoof, on condition of paying a tax of six 
bushels of corn into the public treasury, which in that prim- 
itive time was the public granary. Though the change was 
but partially accomplished in Dale's time, the effect was 
magical. Industry and thrift soon began to prevail, crimes * 
and disorders diminished, gallows and whipping-post found 
less to do, and the gaunt wolf of famine never again thrust 
his head within the door. 

Six months after Dale's administration had begun, a fresh 
supply of settlers raised the whole number to nearly 800, and 
a good stock of cows, oxen, and goats was added to their 
resources. The colony now began to expand itself beyond 
the immediate neighbourhood of Jamestown. Already there 
was a small settlement at the river's mouth, near 

The " City . r t t -t^i 

of Hen- the site of Hampton. The want of a better site 
than Jamestown was freely admitted, and Dale se- 
lected the Dutch Gap peninsula. He built a palisade across 


the neck and blockhouses in suitable positions. The popu- 
lation of about 300 souls were accommodated with houses 
arranged in three streets, and there was a church and a store- 
house. This new creation Dale called the City of Henricus, 
after his patron Prince Henry. A city, in any admissible 
sense of the word, it never became, but it left its name upon 
Henrico County. Afterward Dale founded other communi- 
ties at Bermuda and Shirley Hundreds, and left his name 
u|X)n the settlement known as Dale's Gift on the eastern 
peninsula near Cape Charles. 

This expansion of the colony made it more than ever de- 
sirable to pacify the Indians, whose attitude had been hostile 
ever since Smith's departure. During all this time nothing 
had been seen of Pocahontas, whose visits to Jamestown 
had been so frequent, but that can hardly be called strange, 
since her tribe was on the war-path against the English. The 
chronicler Strachey says that in 16 10, being about pocahon- 
fifteen years old, she was married to a chieftain {j^Argait 
named Kocoum. Be that as it may, it is certain that ^^'^ 
in 161 2 young Captain Argall found her staying with the Po- 
tomac tribe, whose chief he bribed with a copper kettle to 
connive at her abduction. She was inveigled on board Argall's 
ship and taken to Jamestown, to be held as a hostage for her 
father's good behaviour.^ It is not clear what might have 
come of this, for The Powhatan's conduct was so unsatisfac- 
tory that Dale had about made up his mind to use fire and 
sword against him, when all at once the affair took an unex- 

^ Another interesting person sailed with Argall to Jamestown. A 
lad, Henry Spelman, son of the famous antiquary-, Sir Henry Spelman, 
was at the Pamunkey village when Katcliffe and his party were mas- 
sacred by The Powhatan (see above, p. 151). The young: man's lifo was 
saved by Pocahontas, and he was probably adopted. Argall found him 
with Pocahontas amon^ the Potomacs,and bought him at tlie cost of a 
small further outlay in copper. Spelman afterward became a person 
of some importance in the colony. His '* Relation of \Mrginia," con- 
taining an interesting account of the Ratcliffe massacre and otiier mat- 
ters, was first published under the learned editorshij) of Henry Stevens 
in 1872, and has .since been reprinted in Arber's invaluable edition of 
Smith's Works, pp. ci.-cxiv. 



pected turn. Among the passengers on the ill-fated Sea Ven- 
ture were John Rolfe and his wife, of Heacham, in Norfolk. 
During their stay on the Bermuda Islands, a daughter was 
born to them and christened l^rmuda. Shortly after their 
arrival in Virginia, Mrs. Rolfe died, and now an affection 
^ sprang up between the wid- 

/^TA^'V S^J^sr^OTL ^'^'^^ ^"^ ^"^^ captive Poca- 
j^^^^^^ ^y "y hontas. Whether the Indian 

^^^ ^^^ ' husband of the latter (if 

Strachey is to be believed) was li\ing or dead, would make 
little difference according to Indian notions ; for among all 
the Indian tribes, when first studied by white men, marriage 
was a contract terminable at pleasure by either party. 
Scruples of a different sort troubled Rolfe, who hesitated 
about marrying a heathen unless he could make it the occa- 
sion of saving her soul from the Devil. This was easily 
Marriage achlcvcd by Converting her to Christianity and bap- 
of Poca- tizing her with the Bible name Rebekah. Sir 

honta.s ti) *=* 

John Koifc. Thomas Dale improved the occasion to renew the 
' p" , I M ^]^| alliance with The Powhatan, who may have 
welcomed such an escape from a doubtful trial of arms ; and 
the marriajT^c was solemnized in April, 16 14, in the church 
at Jamestown, in the ]:)resence of an amicable company of 
Indians and luij;lishnien. One could wish that more of the 
details connected with this affair had been observed and 
recorded lor us, so that modern studies of Indian law and 
custom nH<;hl be brought t<» bear u|)<»n them. How much 
wei;;ht this alliance may have had with the Indians, one can 
hardly say ; but at all events they made little or no trouble 
for the next ei^ht years. 

()ther foes than red men called for Dale's attention. In 
iht' neighbourhood of the (iulf <»f St. Lawrence the French 
were a.s busily at work as the Mni^dish in X'iri^inia. The45tb 
|)arallel, the northern limit of oldest Vir^^inia, runs through 
the country now called \ova Scotia. At Port Royal, on the 
Hay ••f I'^uuly, a small I^'renrh colony had been struggling 
a<:;ain>t dire adver>ity ever since 1604, and more lately a 




party of French Jesuits had begun to make a settlement on 
Mount Desert Island, off the coast of Maine. In one of his 
fishing excursions Captain Argall discovered this 

t -5 ^ 1 r 1 . . , , . Argall at- 

Jesuit settlement and promptly extmguished it, tacks the 
carrying his prisoners to Jamestown. Then Dale ^^"^^ 
sent him back to patrol that northern coast, and presently 
Argall swooped lipon Port Royal and burned it to the ground, 
carrying off the livestock as booty and the inhabitants as 
prisoners. The French ambassador in London protested and 
received evasive answers until the affair was allowed to drop 
and Port Royal was rebuilt without further molestation by 
the English. These events were the first premonition of a 
mighty conflict, not to be fully entered upon till the days of 
Argall's grandchildren, and not to be finally decided until the 
days of their grandchildren, when Wolfe climbed the Heights 
of Abraham. We are told that on his way back to James- 
town the unceremonious Argall looked in at the and warns 
Hudson River, and finding Hcndrick Christiansen *^*^ ^^^^^^ 
there with his colony of Dutch traders, ordered him under 
penalty of a broadside to haul down the flag of the Nether- 
lands and run up the P^nglish ensign. The philosophic 
Dutchman quietly obeyed, but as soon as the ship was out of 
sight he replaced his own flag, consigning Captain Argall 
S0//0 voce to a much warmer place than the Hudson River. 

In 16 1 6 George Yeardley, who was already in Virginia, 
succeeded Sir Thomas Gates as deputy-governor, and Dale, 
who had affairs in Europe that needed attention, sailed for 
England. He had much reason to feel proud of what had 
been accomplished during his ?\\t years' rule. Strict order 
had been maintained and the Indians had been pacified, 
while the colony had trebled in numbers, and symptoms of 
prosperity were everywhere visible. In the ship which car- 
ried Dale to England went John Rolfe and his wife visit of 
Pocahontas. Much ado was made over the Indian J^"^^|^"i"on- 
woman, who was presented at court by Lady Dela- ^""' ^^^'' 
ware and everywhere treated as a princess. There is a trust- 
worthy tradition that King James was inclined to censure 


Rolfe for marrying into a royal family without consulting his 
own sovereign. In the English imagination The Powhatan 
figured as a sovereign ; and when European feudal ideas 
were applied to the case it seemed as if in certain contingen- 
cies the infant son of Rolfc ajid Pocahontas might become 
'* King of Virginia/' The dubky princess was entertained with 
banquets and receptions, she was often seen at the theatre, 
and was watched with great curiosity by the people. It was 
then that ** La Belle Sauvage ** became a favourite name for 
London taverns. Her portrait, engraved by the celebrated 
artist, Simon Van Fass,^ shows us a rather handsome and 
dignified young womaii, with her neck encircled by the broad 
serrated collar or ruff characteristic of that period, an em* 
broidered and jewelled cap on her head, and a fan in her 
hand. The inscriptino on the portrait gives her age as one- 
and'twcnty, which would make her thirteen at the time when 
she rescued Captain Smith. While she was in Hnglandf she 
had an interview with Smith. He had made his exploring 
voyage on the New England coast two years before, when he 
changed the name of the country from North Virginia to 
New England. In 1615 he had started in the service of the 
Plymouth Company with an expedition for colonizing New 
England, but had been captured by French cruisers and car- 
ried to Rochelle. After his return from France he was mak- 
. ing preparations for another voyage to New England, 

view with whcn hc heard of Pocahontas and called on her. 
When he addressed her, as all did in England, as 
Lady Rebekah, she seemed hurt and turned away, covering 
her face with her hands. She insisted upon calling him Fa- 
ther and having him call her his child, as formerly in the wil- 
derness. Then she added, *' They did always tell us you were 
dead, and I knew not otherwise till I came to Plymouth." ^ 

Early in 161 7 Argall was appointed deputy-governor of 
Virginia and sailed in March to supersede Yeardley. Rolfe 
was made secretary of the colony and went in the same ship ; 

* Neill's Vi'ri^inia Company, p. 98. 
2 Smith's Works^ p. 533. 



'V J ■ 



but Pocahontas fell suddenly ill, and died before leaving 
Gravesend. She was buried in the parish church ^ ,^ , 

*^ Death of 

there. Her son, Thomas Rolfe, was left with an Pocahon- 
uncle in England, where he grew to manhood. Then ^^' ^ '^ 
he went to Virginia, to become the ancestor, not of a line of 
kings, but of the families of Murray, Fleming, Gay, Whittle, 
Robertson, Boiling, and Eldredge, as well as of the branch 
of Randolphs to which the famous John Randolph of Roa- 
noke belonged.^ One cannot leave the story of Pocahontas 
without recalling thv. curious experiences of a feathered chief- 
tain in her party named Tomocomo, whom The Powhatan 
had instructed to make a report on the population of Eng- 
land. For this purpose he was equipped with a sheaf of sticks 
on which he was to make a notch for every white person he 
should meet. Plymouth must have kept poor Tomo- . , ^ . 

11 • • • T 1 1 '^ baffled 

como busy enough, but on arrivmg m London he census- 
uttered an amazed grunt and threw his sticks away. 
He had also been instructed to observe carefully the king 
and queen and God, and report on their personal appearance. 
Tomocomo found it hard to believe that so puny a creature 
as James Stuart could be the chief of the white men, and he 
could not understand why he was not told where God lived 
and taken to see him. 

When Argall arrived in Virginia, he found that a new in- 
dustry, at which sundry experiments had been made under 
Dale, was acquiring large dimensions and fast becoming es- 
tablished. Of all the gifts that America has vouchsafed to 
the Old World, the most widely acceptable has been that 
which a Greek punster might have called '*the Bacchic gift," 
TO fiaKXLKov ^wpyjfia, tobacco. Xo Other visible and tangible 
product of Columbus's discovery has been so universally dif- 
fused amoncr all kinds and conditions of men, even , . 

^ lobacco 

to the remotest nooks and corners of the habitable 

earth. Its serene and phcid charm has everywhere proved 

* See Meadc\s 0/{f Churches and Families of Virj^inia, ii. 79; a most 
useful and delightful book, in about a thousand pages without an index ! 
(This grave defect was remedied in 1898 through the labours of the 
late Dr. J. M. Toner.) 



irresistible, although from the outset its use has been 
frowned upon with an acerbity such as no other affair of 
hygiene has ever called forth. The first recorded mention 
uf tobacco is in Columbus*s diary for November 20» 1492. 
The use of it was soon introduced into the Spanish peninsula, 
and about 1560 the French ambassador at Lisbon, Jean 
Nicot, sent some of the fragrant herb into France, where it 
was named in honour of him Nicotiana, It seems to have 
been first brought to England by Lane's returning colonists 
in 1586, and early in the seventeenth century it was becom- 
ing fashionable to smoke, in spite of the bull of Pope Urban 
VIII. and King James's " Counterblast to Tobacco/' Every 
one will remember how that royal author characterized 
smoking as '* a custom loathsome to the eye, hateful to the 
nose, harmful to the brain, dangerous to the lungs, and in the 
black stinking fit me thereof nearest resembling the horrible 
Stygian smoke of the pit that is bottomless/' On Twelfth 
Night, 1614, a dramatic entertainment, got up by the gentle- 
Tiwr Mask Hicu of Grav's Inn and called the Mask of FlowerSp 
uf Flowers ^,^^ performed before the king and queen at White- 
hall In it the old classic Silenus appears, jovial and corpu- 
lent, holding his goatskin wine-bag, and with him a novel 
companion, an American chieftain named Kawasha, dressed 
in an embroidered mantle cut like tobacco leaves, with a red 
cap trimmed with gold on his head, rings in his ears, a chain 
of glass beads around his neck, and a bow and arrows in his 
hand. These two strange worthies discuss the merits of 
wine and tobacco : — 

St'lenus. Kawasha comes in majesty ; 
Was never such a god as he. 
He 's come from a far country' 
To make our nose a chimney. 

Kawasha. The wine takes the contrary way 
To get into the hood : 
But good tobacco makes no stay, 
But seizetb where it should. 
More incense hath burned at 
Great Kawasha's foot 


Than to Silen and Bacchus both, 
And take in Jove to boot. 

Silenus. The worthies they were nine, *t is true, 
And lately Arthur's knights 1 knew, 
But now are come up worthies new, 
The roaring boys, Kawasha's crew. 

Kawasha, Silenus tops ^ the barrel, but 
Tobacco tops the brain 
And makes the vapours fine and soote,* 
That man revives again. 
Nothing but fumigation 
Doth charm away ill sprites. 
Kawasha and his nation 
Found out these holy rites.' 

In Virginia the first settlers found the Indians cultivating 
tobacco in small gardens. The first Englishman to make 
experiments with it is said to have been John Rolfe in 161 2. 
Under Yeardley's first administration, in 1616, the cultiva- 
tion of tobacco became fairly established, and from that time 
forth it was a recognized staple of the colony. The effects 
of this were very notable. As the great purchasing power of 
a tobacco crop came to be generally known, the ^^ ^ . 
people of Virginia devoted themselves more and tobacco 
more to its cultivation, until nearly all other crops 
and most other forms of industry were neglected. Thus the 
type of society, as we shall hereafter see, was largely deter- 
mined by the cultivation of tobacco. Moreover a clear and 
positive inducement was now offered for emigration such as 
had not existed before since the first dreams of gold and 
silver were dispelled. After the first disappointments it be- 
came difficult to persuade men of hard sense to go to Vir- 

* There is a play upon words here. The first ** top " is apparently 
equivalent to " drink up,*' as in the following: " Its no hainous offence 
(beleeve me) for a young man ... to toppe of a canne roundly," Ter- 
ence in English^ 161 4. The second " top " seems equivalent to ** put the 
finishing touch on." — *• Silenus quaffs the barrel, but Tobacco per- 
fects the brain." 

* Sweet. ^ Nichols, Progresses of King James, ii. 739. 


ginla« and we have seen what a wretched set of people were 

drawn tugcther by the Company*s commimistic schemeii. 
But those who came to acquire wealth by raising tobacco 
were of a better sort, men of business-like ideas who knew 
what they wanted and how to devote themselves to the task 
of getting it With the establishment of tobacco culture 
there began a steady improvement in the characters and 
fortunes of the colonists, and the demand for their staple In 
Europe soon l>ccame so great as forever to end the possi* 
bility of perishing from want. Henceforth whatever a Vir- 
ginian Jteeded he could buy with tobacco. 

We have now to see how Virginia, which was fast becom- 
ing able to support itself, became also a self-governing coni- 
munity. The administrations of Lord Delaware, of Dale, 
of Yeardley, and of Argall, were all despotisms, whether 
Riild or harsh. To trace the evohition of free goveniment, 
we must take our start in the year 1612, when the 
London Company obtained its third charter. The 
immediate occasion for taking out this charter was 
the desire of the Company to include among its 
possessions the Bermuda Islands* and they were now added 
to Virginia. At the t^ame time it was feh that the govern- 
ment of the Company needed some further emendation in 
order to give the members more direct and continuous con- 
trol over its proceedings. It was thus provided that there 
should be weekly meetings, at which not less than five mem- 
bers of the council and fifteen of the Company must be pre- 
sent. Resides this there were to be held four general courts 
or quarter sessions in the course of each year, for electing 
the treasurer and council and passing laws for the govern- 
ment of the colony. At these quarter sessions charges 
could be brought against delinquent servants of the Com- 
pany, which was clothed with full judicial powers of hearing 
and deciding such cases and inflicting punishments. A 
good many subscribers had been alarmed by evil tidings 
from Virginia so that they would refuse or more often would 
simply neglect to pay in the amount of their subscriptions. 

Tlie Lon- 
don Com- 
third char- 
ier, 1612 



To remedy these evils the Company was empowered to expel 
delinquent members or to bring suits in law and equity 
against them to recover damages or compel performance. 
Furthermore, it was allowed to replenish its treasury by set- 
ting up lotteries, a practice in which few people at that time 
saw anything objectionable. Such a lottery was held at a 
house in St. Paul's Churchyard, in July, 161 2, of which the 
continuator of Stow's Chronicle tells us : " This 
lottery was so plainly carried and honestly per- 
formed that it gave full satisfaction to all persons. Thomas 
Sharplisse, a tailor of London, had the chief prize, viz., 4000 

ADccIaratlon fbrthe ccrtainctimeof drawmgthe great ftandingLottciy. 



crowns in fair plate, which was sent to his house in very 
stately manner. During the whqle tinie of the drawing of 
this lottery, there were always present divers worshipful 
knights and esquires, accompanied with sundry grave dis- 
creet citizens." In September the Spanish ambassador, 
Zuftiga, wrote home that "there was a lottery on foot to 
raise 20,000 ducats [equivalent to about §40,000]. In this 
all the livery companies adventured. The grocers ventured 
£,62 15s., and won a silver [dish] and cover valued at 
^13 ios."i 

This remodelling of the Company's charter was an event 
of political importance. Formerly the meetings of the Com- 
pany had been few and far between, and its affairs had been 
* Neill's Virginia Company, p. 66. 


practically controlled by the councilp and in many cases by 
Its chief executive officer, the treasurer. Sir Thomas Smith, 
Now the weekly meetings of the Company, and its courts of 
quarter sessions, armed with such legislati%'e and judiGial 
powers, put a new face upon things. It made the Company 
a democratic self-governing body, and when wq recall the 
'n»Cr»m- membership of the Compaiiy we can see what thiii 
^^^^ mennt. There were fifty<six of the craft-guilds or 
important HveHud Companies of the city of London^ whose 
poiitics lord mayor was also a prominent member, and the 
political spirit of London was aggressively liberal and op- 
posed to high prerogative. There w^ere also more than a 
hundred London merchants and more than two hundred 
persons belonging to the nobility and gentry, including some 
of the foremost fieers and knights in the j^mrty hostile to 
the Stuart king s pretensions. The meetings of the Com- 
pany were full of discussions which could not help taking a 
political turn, since some of the most burning political ques* 
lions of the day — as, for example, the great dispute over 
monopolies and other disputes — w^ere commercial in charac- 
ter, Men*s eyes were soon opened to the existence of a 
^reat deliberative body outside of Parliament and expressing 
itself with much freedom on exciting topics. The social 
position and weighty character of the members drew general 
attention to their proceedings, especially as many of them 
were also members of either the House of Lords or the 
House of Commons. We can easily believe the statement 
that the discussions of the Company were followed with 
even deeper interest than the debates in Parliament. It 
took a few years for this aspect of the situation to become 
fully developed, but opposition to the new charter 
to the char- was soon manifested, cvcn by sundry members of 
dieton's the Company itself. Some of them agreed with 
speech Sergeant Montague that to confer such vast and 
vague powers upon a mercantile corporation was unconstitu- 
tional. In a debate in Parliament in 1614 a member of the 
Company named Middleton attacked the charter on the 



ground that trade with Virginia and agriculture there needed 
more strict regulation than it was getting. "The shop- 
keepers of London," he said, " sent over all kinds of goods, 
for which they received tobacco instead of coin, infinitely 
to the prejudice of the Commonwealth. Many of the divines 
now sniell of tobacco, and poor men spend 4d. of their day's 
wages at night in smoke. 
[He] wished that this 
patent may be damned, 
and an act of Parlia- 
ment passed for the 
government of the col- 
ony by a company." ^ 

So much effect was 
produced by speeches 
of this sort that the 
council of the Company 
as a counter-stroke pre- 
sented a petition for 
aid, and had it defended 
before the House of 
Commons by the emi- 
nent lawyer, Richard 
Martin, one of the 

most brilliant speakers of the day. Martin gave a fine his- 
torical description of lilnglish colonizing enterprise since 
Raleigh's first attempts, then he dwelt upon the immediate 
and pressing needs of Virginia, especially the need for secur- 
ing an ample reinforcement of honest workmen with their 
wives and children, and he urged the propriety of 
a liberal parliamentary grant in aid of the Company forgets 
and its operations. Then at the close of an able * "^ 
and effective speech his eloquence carried him away, and he 
so far forgot himself as to remind the House that it had 
been but a thriftless penury which had led King Henry VII. 
to turn the cold shoulder upon Columbus, and to predict 
* Ne ill's Virginia Company, p. 67. 



for them similar chagrin if they should neglect the intcrestJi 
of Virginia This affair, as he truly said, was of far greater 
importance than many of tiie trifles on which the Housie 
was in the habit of \^'asting its tima Poor Martin should 
have stopped a minute sooner. Hi** last remark was heard 
with indignation. One member asked if he supposed the 
House was a school and he the !^choolmastcr; another movecJ 
that he should be committed for contempt; finally it wa^ 
decided that he should make a public apology. So the next 
day, after a miUl and courteous rebuke from the Speaker, 
jndhasto ^^^- M-irtin apologized as folltjws according to the 
Apoiogiee brief memorandum entered upon the journal of the 
House of Commons for that day; "All men liable to err, 
and he particularly so, but he was not in love with error, 
and as willing as any man to be divorced therefrom. Admits 
that he digressed from the subject ; that he was like a ship 
that cuiteth the cable and putteth to sea, for he cut hh 
memory and trustee! to his invention* W^s glad to be an 
emmple to others, and submitted to the censure not wnth a 
dejected countenance, for there is comfort in acknowledg- 
ing an error. ** ^ 

While such incidents, trifling in themselves, tended to cre- 
ate prejudice against the Company on the part of many 
„ . members of Parliament, factions were soon devel- 


within the oped withiu the Company itself. There was, first, 

Company ,,..., , 

the division between the court party, or supporters 
of the king, and the country party, opposed to his overween- 
ing pretensions. The difference between court and country 
parties was analogous to the difference between Tories and 
Whigs that began in the reign of Charles H. A second 
division, crossing the first one, was that between the defend- 
ers and opponents of the monopolies. A third division grew 
out of a personal quarrel between the treasurer. Sir Thomas 
Smith, and a prominent shareholder, Lord Rich, afterwards 
Earl of Warwick. This man's title remains to-day in the 
name of Warwick County near the mouth of James River. 
^ Neill's Virginia Company^ P* 71* 



At first he and Sir Thomas Smith were on very friendly 
terms. Samuel Argall was closely connected by marriage 
with Smith's family, and it was Lord Rich and his friends 
who in 161 7 secured Argall's appointment as deputy-gov- 
ernor of Virginia. The 
appointment turned 
out to be far from 
creditable. Argall's 
rule was as stern as 
Dale's but it was not 
public-spirited. From 
the upright and spot- 
less Dale severity 
could be endured ; 
with the self-seeking 
and unscrupulous Ar- 
gall it was quite oth- 
erwise. He was so 
loudly accused of pec- 
ulation and extortion 
that after one year the 
Company sent out 
Lord Delaware to take 

personal charge of the colony once more. That nobleman 
sailed in the spring of 161 8, with 200 emigrants. They went 
by way of the Azores, and while touching at the island of St. 
Michael, Lord Delaware and thirty of his compan- 
ions suddenly fell sick and died in such manner as i-ord DcU- 
to raise a strong suspicion that their Spanish hosts ^^^^' 
had poisoned them. Among the governor's private papers 
was one that instructed him to arrest Argall and send him 
to England for trial. When the ship arrived in Virginia this 
document fell into Argall's hands. Its first effect was to 
make him behave worse than ever, until renewed complaints 
of him reached England at the moment of a great change in 
the governorship of the Company. 

The chief executive officer of the Company was the trea- 



surer. Since i6og Sir Thomas Smith had held that office, 
atid it had naturally enough become fashionable to charge all 
Quarrel thc ilIs of the colony to his mismanagenient There 
t^^cb wi^y have heen some ground for this. Sir Thomas 
*^^ was a merchant of great public spirit and talent 
*«*sh (or business, but he was apt to keep too many 
Irons in the fire, and" the East India Company, of which he 
was governor, absorbed his attention much more than the 
affairs of Virginia. The countr)^ party, led by such men as 
the Earl of Southampton, Sir Edwin Sandys, and Nicholas 
Ferrar, were opposed to Smith and twitted him with the mis- 
conduct of ArgalU At this moment broke out the quarrel 
between Smith and Lord Rich. One of the merchant's suns 
aged only eighteen fell madly in love with the nobleman's 
young sister, Lady Isabella Rich, and his passion was recip- 
rocated. There was fierce opposition to their marriage on 
the jiart of the old merchant ; and this led to an elopement 
and a private wedding, at which the Earls of Southampton 
and Pembroke and the Countess of Bedford assisted,^ These 
leaders of the country party thus mortally offended Sir 
Thomas Smith, while between him and the young lady's 
brother, Lord Rich, there was a furious explosion. Lord 
Rich, who in the midst of these scenes became Earl of War- 
wick, by which title posterity remembers him, was a promi- 
nent leader of the court party, but this family quarrel led 
Election of ^™ ^^ ^ temporary alliance with the opposition, 
Sir Edwin with the rcsult that in the annual election for the 
*" ^* treasurership of the Company, in April, 1619, Sir 
Thomas Smith was defeated, and Sir Edwin Sandys chosen 
in his place. This victory of the king's opponents called 
forth much excitement in England ; for the remaining five 
years of its existence the Company was controlled by Sandys 
and his friends, and its affairs were ** administered with a 
degree of energy, unselfishness, and statesmanlike wisdom, 
perhaps unparalleled in the history of corporations."^ 

^ Brown's Gettesis, ii. 1014. 
2 Doyle's Virginia, p. 157. 


This victory in the spring election consummated the as-, 
cendency of Sandys and his party, but that ascendency had 
been already shown in the appointment of George g.^ ^^^^ ^ 
Yeardley to succeed Lord Delaware as governor of veardiey 
Virginia. The king can hardly have relished this ISJ^rnorof 
appointment, but as Yeardley was of rather humble ^'"^^^ 
birth, being the son of a poor merchant tailor, he gave him a 
certain sanction by making him a knight. High official 
position seemed in those days more than now to need some 
such social decora- 
tion. Yeardley was y/"*^" 

ordered to send Ar- / y^ >» t^7J9^ 

gall home ; but that ^e^f^< * ^ yeaJCO^A/ 

independent per- J I ^ /^^ 

sonage being pri- /^ <^ (^^^ 

vately notified, it is 

said by the Earl of Warwick, loaded his ship and sailed 
for England before the governor's arrival. He was evi- 
dently a man who could carry things with a bold face. 
His defence of himself satisfied the court party but not the 
country party ; the evidence against him seems to have 
reached the point of moral conviction, but not of legal cer- 
tainty ; he was put in command of a warship for the Medi- 
terranean service, and presently the king, perhaps to relieve 
his own qualms for knighting Yeardley, slapped him on the 
back and made him Sir Samuel Argall. 

On many occasions the development of popular liberty in 
England has gone hand in hand with its development in 
America. The growing strength of the popular antagonism 
to Stuart methods of government was first conspicuously 
marked by the ascendency of Sir Edwin Sandys and his 
party in Parliament and in the management of affairs in Vir- 
ginia. Its first fniit was the introduction of parlia- The first 
mentary institutions into America. Despotic gov- i^^s£^J^ 
ernment in Virginia had been thoroughly discredited '^'9 
by the conduct of Argall. More than 1000 persons were 
now living in the colony, and the year 16 19 saw the number 


doubled.' The people called for self-govemment, and Sandys 
believed that only through self-government could a colony 
really prosper Governor Yeardley was accordingly in- 
structed to issue writs for the election of a General Assembly 
in Virginia, and on the 30th of July, 1619, the first legis- 
lative body of Englishmen in America was called together 
in the wooden church at Jamestown. Eleven local constit- 
uencies were represented under the various designations 
of ciiVt phuhiiiimtf and h and red ; and each constituency sent 
two representatives, called tnrgesses^ so that the assembly 
was called from 1619 until 1776 the House of Burgesses. 
The eleven boroughs were James City, Charles City, the City 
of Henricus, Martin Brandon, Martin's Hundred* Lawne's 
Plantation, Ward^s Plantation, ArgalKs Gift, Flowerdieu Hun- 
dred, Smith's Hundred, and Kecoughtan* The last two names 
were soon changed. Smith's Hundred, at first named after 
the treasurer, took for its sponsor one of the opposite party 
and became Southajnptoii Hundred. The name of this 
friend of Shakespeare, somewhat curtailed, was also given to 
Kecoughtani which became Hampton, and so remains to this 
day These eleven names indicate the extent of the colony 
up the James River to about seventy miles from its mouth 
as the crow flies, and laterally five or six miles inland from 
either bank, with a population rather less sparse than that 
of Idaho at the present day. Such was the first American 
self-governing state at its beginning, — a small beginning, 
but what a change from the summer day that witnessed 
Lord Delaware's arrival nine years before ! 

Concerning this House of Burgesses I shall have some- 
thing to say hereafter. Let it suffice for the present to 
observe that along with the governor and deputy-governor 
there was an appointed upper house called the council ; and 
, that the governor, with the assistant council, and 

Nature of *=• ' 

the General the Housc of Burgcsscs, altogether constituted a 
/ sscm > Qej-j^r^i Assembly essentially similar to the Gen- 
eral Court of Massachusetts, to their common prototype, the 
^ Neill's Virginia Company^ pp. 179, 181. 



old English county court, and to their numerous posterity, 
the bicameral legislatures of nearly all the world in modern 
times. The functions of this General Assembly were both 
legislative and to some extent judicial. It was endowed with 
full powers of legislation for the colony. Its acts di^ not 
acquire validity until approved by the General Court of the 
London Company, but on the other hand no enactment 
which the Company might make for the colony was to be 
valid until approved by its General Assembly. These pro- 
visions were confirmed by a charter issued in 162 1. 

This gift of free government to England's first colony was 
the work of the London Company — or, as it was now in 
London much more often called, the Virginia Company — 
under the noble management of Sir Edwin Sandys and his 
friends. That great corporation was soon to perish, but its 
boon to Virginia and to American liberty was to be abiding. 
The story of the Company's downfall, in its broad outlines, 
can be briefly told, but first I may mention a few incidents 
that occurred before the crisis. One was the first introduc- 
tion of negro slaves into Virginia, which, by a rather 
curious freak of dates, came in 16 19, just after the negro 
sitting of the first free legislature, and thus fur- ^*^^'*'* '^ 
nished posterity with a theme for moralizing. "About the 
last of August," says Secretary Rolfe, "[there] came in a 
Dutch man of warre that sold us twenty negars." A census 
taken five years later, however, shows only twenty -two negroes 
in the colony. The increase in their numbers was for some 
time very slow, and the establishment of slave labour will 
best be treated in a future chapter. 

The same year, 16 19, which witnessed the introduction of 
slaves and a House of Burgesses, saw also the arrival of a 
shipload of young women — spinsters carefully se- 
lected and matronized — sent out by the Company maidens, 
in quest of husbands. In Virginia, as in most new ' *^ 
colonies, women were greatly in the minority, and the wise 
Sir Edwin Sandys understood that without homes and family 
ties a civilized community must quickly retrograde into bar- 


barism. On arriving in Virginia these girls found plenty of 
suitors and were entirely free to exercise their own choice. 
No accepted suitor, however, could claim his bride until he 
should pay the Company 120 pounds of tobacco to defray 
the expense of her voyage This practice of sending wives 
continued for some time, and as homes with pleasant society 
grew up in Virginia, life began to be made attractive tliere 
and the immigration rapidly increased By 1622 the popu- 
lation of Virginia was at least 400O1 the tobacco fields were 
flourishing and lucrative, durable houses had been built and 
made comfortable with furniture brought from England, and 
the old stjualor \^^s everywhere giving way to thrift. The 
area of colonization was pushed up the James River as far 
as the site of Richmond. 

This long narrow colony was dangerously exposed to at- 
tack from the Indian tribes along the York and Pamunkcy 
rivers and their confederates to the west and north. But 
an Indian attack was something that people had ceased to 
expect. For eight years the Indians had been to all appear- 
The great ancc friendly, and it was not uncommon to see them 
ma^re moving freely about the villages and plantations. 
1622 There had been a change of leadership among 

them. Wahunsunakok, the old Powhatan whom Smith called 
" Father," was dead ; his brother Opekankano was now The 
Powhatan. It is a traditional belief that Opekankano had 
always favoured hostile measures toward the white men, and 
that for some years he awaited an opportunity for attacking 
them. How much truth there may be in this view of the 
case it would be hard to say ; there is very little evidence to 
guide us, but we may well believe that Opekankano and his 
people watched with grave concern the sudden and rapid 
increase of the white strangers. That they were ready to 
seize upon an occasion for war is by no means unlikely, and 
the nature of the event indicates careful preparation. Early 
in 1622 an Indian chief whom the English called Jack of 
the Feather killed a white man and was killed in requital 
Shortly afterward a concerted attack was made upon the 



colony along the entire line from Chesapeake Ray up to the 
Ikrkeley Plantation, near the site of Richmond, and 347 
persons were butchered. Such a destruction of nearly nine 
per cent, of the white population was a terrible blow, but 
the quickness with which the colony recovered from it shows 
what vigorous vitality it had been gaining under the adminis- 
tration of Sir Kdwin Sandys. So lately as 161 8 such a blow 
would have been almost prostrating, but in 1622 the settlers 
turned out with grim fury and hunted the red men like wild 
beasts till the blood debt was repaid with compound interest, 
and peace was restored in the land for more than twenty 

While these fiendish scenes were being enacted in Vir- 
ginia a memorable drama was moving toward its final catas- 
trophe in London. In the next chapter we shall witness the 
overthrow of the great Virginia Company. 



Few episodes in English history are more curious than 
the founding of Virgin ta. In the course of the mightiest 
sujiuiiafy conflict the world had witnessed between the powers 
review of Qf despotism and the powers of freedom, considers- 

the liHind- * - i i t t- i i 

itigofvk' tions chiefly strategical led England to make the 
^ ocean her battle-ground, and €>ut of these circum- 

stances grew the idea of establishing military posts at sundiy 
important strategic points on the North American coast, to 
aid the operations of the navy* In a few far-sighted minds 
this idea developed into the scheme of planting one or more 
Protestant states, for the increase of England's commerce, 
the expansion of her political influence, and the maintenance 
of her naval advantages. After royal assistance had been 
sought in vain and single-handed private enterprise had 
proved unequal to the task of founding a state, the joint- 
stock principle, herald of a new industrial era, was resorted 
to, and we witness the creation of two rival joint-stock com- 
panies for the purpose of undertaking such a task. Of the 
6 ^^^^ colonies sent out by these companies, one meets 
the usual fate, succumbs to famine, and retires 
from the scene. The other barely escapes a similar fate, but 
is kept alive by the energy and sagacity and good fortune of 
one extraordinary man until sturdy London has invested so 
much of her treasure and her life-blood in it that she will not 
tamely look on and see it perish. Then the Lord Mayor, 
the wealthy merchants, the venerable craft-guilds, with many 
liberal knights and peers, and a few brilliant scholars and 
clergymen, turn to and remodel the London Company into 


a truly great commercial corporation with an effective govern- 
ment and one of London's foremost merchant princes at its 
head. As if by special inter\'ention from heaven, the strug- 
gling colony is rescued at the very point of death, and soon 
takes on a new and more vigorous life. 

Hut for such lavish outlay to continue, there must be some 
solid return, and soon a new and unexpected source of wealth 
is found. As all this sort of work is a novel ex- 

1 n 1 • , IOIO-1624 

periment, mistakes are at first made ni plenty ; 
neither the ends to be obtained nor the methods of obtaining 
them are distinctly conceived, and from the parties of brave 
gentlemen in quest of El Dorado to the crowd of rogues and 
pickpockets amenable only to rough martial law, the drift 
of events seems somewhat indefinite and aimless, l^ut just 
as the short-lived system of communism falls to the ground, 
and private ownership of land and earnings is established, 
the rapidly growing demand for tobacco in England makes 
its cultivation an abundant and steady source of wealth, the 
colonists increase in numbers and are improved in quality. 
Meanwhile as the interest felt by the shareholders becomes 
more lively, the Company acquires a more democratic organ- 
ization. It exerts political influence, the court party and 
country party contend with each other for the control of it. 
and the latter wins. Hitherto the little Virginia colony has 
been, like the contemporary Erench colony in Canada and 
like all the Spanish colonies, a despotically governed com- 
munity closely dependent upon the source of authority in 
the mother country, and without any true political life. But 
now the victorious party in the Company gives to Virginia a 
free representative government, based not upon any ideal 
theory of the situation, but rooted in ancient English prece- 
dent, the result of ages of practical experience, and there- 
fore likely to thrive. Einally we see the British king awaken- 
ing to the fact that he has unloosed a power that threatens 
danger. The doctrine of the divine right of kings — that 
ominous bequest from the half-orientalized later Roman 
iMiipire to post-mediieval luirope — was dear to the heart of 


James Stuart, and his aim in life was to impose it upon the 
Knglish people. His chief obstacle was the count r)^ party, 
which if he could not defeat m Parliament, he might at least 
weaken by striking at the great corpf^ratioii thai had annc 
to be one of its strongholds. In what we may call the cm^ 
bryonic development of Virginia the final incident was the 
overthrow of the London Company ; but we shall see that 
the severing of that umbilical cord left the colony stronger 
and more self-reliant than before In the unfolding of these 
events there is pttetic beauty and grandeur as the purpose of 
Infinite Wisdom reveals itself in its cosmic jirocess, slowly 
but inexorably, hasting not but resting not, heedless of the 
dashing aim.s and discordant cries of short-sighted mortals, 
sweeping their tiny efforts into its majestic current, and 
making all contribute to the fulfilment of God^s will 

From the vcr)^ outset the planting of Virginia had been 
walchcd with wrath and chagrin by the Spanish court. 
Within the last few years a Virginian scholar, Alexander 
Brown, has collected and published a large number of manu- 

script letters and other documents preserved in the Spanish - i 

Hostiuty , archives at Simancas, which serve to illustrate the SH 
of Spain situation in detail. Very little of importance hap)- 
pened in London that the ambassador Zufiiga did not 
promptly discover and straightway report in cipher to Ma- 
drid. We can now read for the first time many memoranda 
of secret sessions of Philip III. and his ministers, in which 
this little Protestant colony was the theme of discussion. 
It was a thorn in the flesh not easy to extract unless Spain 
was prepared for war with Great Britain. At first the very 
weakness of the colony ser\'ed to keep this enemy's hands 
off; if it was on the point of dying a natural death, as 
seemed likely, it was hardly worth while to repeat the hor- 
rors of Florida. In 1612, after Sir Thomas Dale's adminis- 
tration had begun, Spain again took the alarm ; for the 
moment a war with Fngland was threatened, and if it had 
broken out Virginia would have been one of the first points 



attacked. But the deaths of Lord Salisbury and of Henry, 
Prince of Wales, in 161 2, changed the policy of both Philip 
and James. There was now some hope of detaching the 
latter from Protestant alliances, and Philip's designs upon 
Virginia were subordinated to the far larger purpose of win- 


nmg back England herself into the Catholic ranks. A plaji 
was made for marrying the Infanta Maria to Baby Charles^ 
GondomAT and with this end in view one of the ablest of 
?i^nlsh Spanish diplomats, Count Gondomar {to give hira 
nmxcu ^i Qn^^g j^J3 best-known title)^ was sent as ambassa- 
dor to London. Charles was only twelve years old, and an 
immediate wedding was not expected, but the match could 
be kept dangling before James as a bait, and thus his move- 
ments might be guided. Should the marriage finally be 
ntade, Gondomar believed that Charles could be converted to 
his bride's faith, and then England might be made to renew 
her allegiance to Rome. Gondomar was mightily mistaken 
in the English people, bat he was not mistaken in their 
khig, James was ready to swallow bait, hook, and all. 
Gondomar completely fascinated him, — one might almost 
say* hypnotized him, — so that for the next ten years one 
had but to shake that Spanish match before him and he 
would follow, whatever might betide. The official policy 
of England was thus often made distasteful to Englishmen, 
and the sentiment of loyalty to the sov^ereign was impaired. 

To Gondomar the king was in the habit of conhding his 
grievances, and in 1614, after his angry dissolution of Parlia- 
ment, he said to him one day : " There is one thing I have 
here, which your king in Spain has not, and that is a Parlia- 
ment of 500 members. ... I am surprised that my ances- 
tors should ever have permitted such an institution to come 
into existence. I am a stranger and found it here when I 
arrived, so I am obliged to put up with what I cannot get 
rid of." Here James stopped short and turned red in the 
Gondo- face, at having thus carelessly admitted his own 
rawceto ^^^^ ^f omnipotence, whereupon the wily Spaniard 
the king smiled and reminded him that at all events it was 
only at his royal pleasure that this very disagreeable assem- 
bly could be called together.^ James acted on this hint, 
and did not summon a Parliament again for seven years. It 
is worth remembering in this connection that at this very 
^ Gardiner, History of En inland ^ ii. 251. 


time the representatives of the people in France were dis- 
missed and not called together again until 1789. 

While Parliament was not sitting, the sort of discussion 
that James found so hateful was kept up at the meetings of 
the London Company for Virginia, which were commonly 


held at the princely nmnsion of Sir Thomas Smith, Against 
this corporation Gondomar dn^pped his sweet poison into 
the king's ear. The government of colon ies^ he said, is 
work fit only for monarchs, and cannot safely be entrusted 
more to a roomful of gabbling subjects ; beware of such 

^^^^^-^ meetings ; you will find them but "a seminary to a 
seditious Parliament."' Before James had profited by these 
warnings, however, the case of Sir Walter Raleigh came up 
to absorb his attention. A rare chance — as^ strange and 
sad as anything that the irony of human destiny can show 
— was offered for Spain to wreak her malice upon Virginia in 
the person of the earliest and most illustrious of its fouoder^i. 
In 1603, not long after King James> arrival in England, 
Raleigh had been charged with complicity in Lord CobhanVs 
abortive conspiracy for getting James set aside in favour of 

his cousin, Lady Arabella Stuart This charra is 
mcniof now proved to have been ill-founded; but James 

already hated Raleigh with the measure of hatred 
which he dealt out to so many of Elizabeth's favourites. 
After a trial in which the common-law maxim, that innocence 
must be presumed until guilt is proved, was read back ward, 
as witches were said to read the Lord's Prayer in summon- 
ing Old Nick, Sir Walter was found guilty of high treason 
and condemned to death. The wrath of the people was such 
that James, who did not yet feel his position quite secure, 
did not venture to carry out the sentence. He contented 
himself with plundering Sir Walter's estates, while the noble 
knight was kept for more than twelve years a prisoner in the 
Tower, where he solaced himself with experiments in chem- 
istry and with writing that delightful History of the World 
which is one of the glories of English prose literature. In 
1 6 16, at the intercession of Villiers, Raleigh was set free. 
On his expedition to Guiana in 1 595 he had discovered gold 
Raleigh re- On the uppcr watcrs of the Caroni River in what 
l^nft!)^"^ is now Venezuela. In his attempt to dispense 
Guiana ^yith parliaments James was at his wits* end for 
money, and he thought something might be got by sending 



Raleigh back to take possession of the place. It is true 
that Spain claimed that country, but so did James on the 

strength of Raleigh's own discoveries, and if any complica- 
tion should arise there were ways of crawling out. Raleigh 
had misgivings about starting on such an adventure without 
first obtaining a pardon in set form ; but Sir Francis Bacon 



is said to have assured him that the king, ha\ing under the 
privy seal made him admiral of a fleet, with power of martial 
law over sailors and officers, had substantially condoned all 
offences, real or alleged. A man could not at one and the 
same time be under attaint of treason and also an admiral 
in active service. Before Raleigh started James made him 
explain the details of his scheme and lay dow^i his route on a 
chart, and he promised on the sacred word of a king not to 
divulge this information to any human creature It was only 
the sacred word of a Stuart king. James may have meant 
to keep it, but his evil genius was not far off. The lifelike 
portrait of Count Gondomar, sui^erbly painted by the elder 
Daniel My tens, hangs hi the palace at Hampton Court, and 
' one cannot look on it for a moment without feeling that 
Mephistopheles himself must have sat for it. The bait of 
the Infanta, with a dowry of 2,ocX),ooo crowns in hard cash* 
wa.s once more thrown successfully, and James told every 
detail of Raleigh's plans to the Spaniard, who sent the intel- 
ligence post-haste to Madrid. So when the English fleet 
arrived at the mouths of the Orinoco, a Spanish force 
The king's awaited them and attacked their exploring party. 
tti-Kcbery |^ ^]^^ ^ghl that ensucd Raleigh s son Walter was 
slain ; though the English were victorious, the approaches 
to the gold fields were too strongly guarded to be carried by 
the force at their command, and thus the enterprise was 
baffled. The gold fields remained for Spain, but with the 
fast increasing paralysis of Spanish energy they were soon 
neglected and forgotten ; their existence was denied and 
Raleigh's veracity doubted, until in 1889 they were redis- 
covered and identified by the Venezuelan Inspector of 
Mines.^ Since the expedition was defeated by the treachery 
of his own sovereign, nothing was left for the stricken admi- 
ral but to return to England. The Spanish court loudly 
clamoured for his death, on the ground that he had under- 
taken a piratical excursion against a country within Spanish 
jurisdiction. His wife cleverly planned an escape to France, 

1 Stebbing's Raleghy p. 121 ; cf. Bates, Central and South America^ 
p. 436. 



but a Judas in the party arrested him and he was sent to the 
Tower. The king promised Gondomar that Raleigh should 
be publicly executed, either in London or in Madrid ; but on 
second thought the latter would not do. To surrender him 
to Spain would be to concede Spain's claim to judicial 
Guiana. Without conceding this claim there was Raidgh°^ 
nothing for which to punish him. Accordingly '^'S' 
James in this year 161 8 revived the old death sentence of 
1603, and Spain drank a deep draught of revenge when the 
hero of Cadiz and Fayal was beheaded in the Palace Yard 
at Westminster ; a scene fit to have made Elizabeth turn in 
her grave in the Abbey hard by. A fouler judicial murder 
never stained the annals of any country.^ 

The silly king gained nothing by his vile treachery. Pop- 
ular execration in England at once set him up in a pillory 
from which posterity is not likely to take him down. The 
Spanish council of state advised Philip III. to send him an 
autograph letter of thanks/-^ but the half-promised Infanta 
with her rich dowry kept receding like the grapes from 
eager Tantalus. A dwindling exchequer would soon leave 
James with no resource except summoning once more that 
odious Parliament. Meanwhile in the London Company for 
Virginia there occurred that change of political drift whereof 
the election of Sir Edwin Sandys over Sir Thomas Smith, 
aided though it had been by a private quarrel, was one chief 
symptom. That election revealed the alarming growth of 
hostility in the city of London to the king's pretensions and 
to the court party.^ James had said just before the election, 

* Some lines in sweet Saxon English, written by Raleigh on the fly- 
leaf of his liible, shortly before his death, are worth remembering: — 

" Kven such is Time, that takes on trust 
Our youth, our joys, and all we have, 
And pays us biit with age and du'<t ; 
Who in the dark and silent grave, 

When we have wandered all our ways, 
Shuts up the record of our day««. 
Vet from this eaiih, this Rrave, this dust, 
The Lord shall raise me up, I trust." 

2 Stebbing\s Ralt'i!;/i. p. 386. 

' Gardiner, History of E/tjriantf, iii. 161. 

y,u.* ir* 

*Av/y,iz 'A this C -'inpa 

-:./: t!:rn^^siiiriii^ af *ivjiiiurr^ and 

"_:':. ~- r ^uiL i^ "nlam^T beard. Tbc 
" ~ : I i^irm - TnfsiiieTu:re:s shoxiid lcaf« 
u^iri : viii- di>ri:iNf5ed- ^ Xft,*" said tbc 
* jt^ \is'rr.^ >tiv liiii beirriKiiat is said." 
T:i!r 5r Lxw^finre Hvdc mcwred 
"t:' :»r "-"'« ' lta:^ ill^ xDrcacffi'irasgroelcd 

ir.^T-r ijiriL r»ni runiDcni? cries so 

:- -rz 2_ r.L'if re' rbe rocwo it re- 
' tht :r^:r:r- G •£ ssve tbe King!" 

^i.> re: '-^h: i.r^-^Ti .^nd read aloud 
\z vh^^T-.^r^ siii Hyde, -the words 
zr. : :hu e'ect::r. c a treasurer is left 
His Maiesrv- seems to 



labour under some misunderstanding, and I doubt not these 
gentlemen will undeceive him." 

For a few minutes no one replied, and there was a buzz of 

S%.fJiaJ^era ^^tm^ 


informal conversation about the room, some members leav- 
ing their seats to speak with friends not sitting near them. 
One of our accounts says that some of the king's emissaries 
stepj)ed out and sought his presence, and when he heard 
what was going on he looked a little anxious and his stub- 


bomnesj was somewhat abated ; he said of course he did not 
wish to restrict the Company's chmce tQ the names he had 
mentioned W^hcther this concession >os reported hack to 
with- ^^^ meeting, we are not informed, but probabl)' it 

4mwii of was, WTien the meeting was called to order. Sir 
Robert Phillips, who was sitting near Sandys, got 
up and announced that that gentleman wished to withdraw 
his name ; he would therefore propose that the khig*s mes- 
sengers should nominate two persons while the Company 
should nominate a third The motion was carried^ and the 
Company nominated the Earl of Southampton, The ballot- 
ing showed an extremely meagre vote for the king's nom- 
inees. It was then moved and carried that in the earVs case 
the ballot should be dispensed with and the choice 
Scmtiaiiif- signified by acclamation ; and then with thunder- 
ing shouts of "Southampton! Southampton/' the 
meeting was brought to a close. The rebuke to the king 
could hardly hav^e been more pointed, and in such a scene we 
recognize the prophecy of the doom to which James's wrong 
policy was by and by to hasten his son. 

The choice of Shakespeare*s friend instead of Sandys 
made no difference whatever in the poltc)^ of the Company. 
From that time forth its ruling spirits were Southampton and 
Sandys and Nicholas Ferrar, the deputy-treasurer. The 
name of this young man calls for more than a passing men- 
Nicholas ^'^^- Better known in ecclesiastical than in polit- 
Ferrar j^al history, he was distinguished and memorable in 
whatever he undertook, and among all the thronging figures 
in England's past he is one of the most sweetly and solemnly 
beautiful. His father, the elder Nicholas Ferrar, who died 
in April, 1620, just before the election I have been describ- 
ing, was one of London's merchant princes, and it was in the 
parlour of his hospitable house in St. Osyth's Lane — now 
known as Size Lane, near the Poultry — that the weekly 
meetings of the Virginia Council were in these latter days 
regularly held. In this house the young Nicholas was born 
in 1593. He had spent seven years in study at Cambridge 



and five years in very extensive travel upon the continent of 
Europe, when at the age of twenty-seven he came to devote 
all his energies for a time to the welfare of the colony of 
Virginia. From' early boyhood he was noticeable for taking 
a grave and earnest but by no means sombre view of life, its 
interests and its duties. For him frivolity had no charm, 
coarse pleasures were but loathsome, yet he was neither 


Stern nor cold. Through every fibre of his being he was the 
refined and courteous gentleman, a true Sir Galahad fit to 
have found the Holy Grail. His scholarship was thorough 
and broad. An excellent mathematician and interested in 
the new dawning of physical science, he was also well versed 
in the classics and in modern languages and knew something 
of Oriental philology, but he was most fond of the devotional 
literature of the church. His intensely religious mood was 
part of the great spiritual revival of which Puritanism was 


the mightieat manifestation ; yet Nicholas FciTar was no 
Puritan eithtfr in doctrine or in ecclesiastical policy. In 
these matters his sympathies were rather with William Laud. 
At the same time his career is a living refutation of the 
common notion that there is a necessary connection between 
the religion of Laud and the politics of Strafford, for hi^ own 
political views were as liberal as those of Hampden and 
Pym, Indeed Ferrar was a rare product of the harmonious 
cooperatic?n of the tendencies represented respectively in the 
Renaissance and in the Reformation^ tendencies which the 
general want of intelligence and moral soundness in mankind 
has more commonly brought into barren conflict. His ideal 
of life was nrmch like that which Milton set forthwith match- 
less beauty in ^*11 Penseroso." Its leading motive, strength- 
ening with his years, was the feeling of duty toward the 
''studious cloisters pale,*' and the part of his career that is 
Link ^*^^^' ^^^^ remembered is the founding of that mo- 

Gidditis nastic home at Little Gidding, where study and 
charitable deeds and prayer and praise should go on unceas- 
ing, where at whatsoever hour of day or night the weary 
wayfarer through the broad fen country should climb that 
hilly range in Huntingdon, he should hear the "pealing 
organ blow to the full-voiced choir below," and entering 
should receive spiritual comfort and strength, and go thence 
on his way with heart uplifted. In that blest retreat, ever 
busy with good works, lived Nicholas Ferrar after the down- 
fall of the great London Company until his own early death 
in 1637 at the age of forty-four. Of great or brilliant deeds 
according to the world's usual standard this man did none; 
yet the simple record of his life brings us into such an atmos- 
phere of holiness and love that mankind can nev-er afford to 
let it fade and die. 

This Protestant saint, withal, was no vague dreamer, but 
showed in action the practical sagacity that came by inherit- 
ance from London's best stock of bold and thrifty citizens. 
As one of the directing minds of a commercial corporation, 
he showed himself equal to every occasion that arose. He 



is identified with the last days of the London Company, 
and his family archives preserve the record of its downfall. 
It is thence that we get the account of the election of 
Southampton and many other interesting scenes and im- 
portant facts that would otherwise have passed into obliv- 

After Southampton's election the king's hostility to the 
Company became deadly, and within that corporation itself 
he found allies who when once they found themselves un- 
able to rule it were only too willing to contribute to its ruin. 
Sir Thomas Smith and his friends now accepted their defeat 
as decisive and final, and allowed themselves to _. 


become disloyal to the Company. Probably they in the 
would have expressed it differently; they would **°*P*"y 
have said that out of regard for Virginia they felt it their 
duty to thwart the reckless men who had gained control of 
her destinies. Unfortunately for their version of the case, 
the friends of Sir Thomas Smith were charged with the 
burden of Argall's misdemeanours, and the regard which 
that governor had shown for Virginia was too much like the 
peculiar interest that a wolf feels in the sheepfold. It is 
not meant that the members of the court party who tried 
to screen Argall were all unscrupulous men ; such was far 
from being the case; but in public contests nothing is more 
common than to see men personally stainless blindly accept 
and defend the rogues of their own party. In the heat of 
battle the private quarrel between Smith and the Earl of 
Warwick was either made up or allowed to drop out of sight. 
Both worked together, and in harmony with the king, to 
defeat Southampton and Sandys and Ferrar. In the Com- 
pany's quarter sessions the disputes rose so high that the 
meetings were said to be more like cockpits than courts.^ 
On one occasion a duel between the Earl of Warwick and 
Lord Cavendish, eldest son of the first Earl of Devonshire, 
was narrowly prevented. As Chamberlain, one of the court 
gossips of the day, writes : " Last week the Earl of Warwick 
^ Brown's Genesis^ ii. 10 16. 


and the Lord Cavendish fell so foul at a Virginia , , . court 
that the lie passed and repassed, and they are [gone out] to 
try their fortune, yet we do not hear they are met, so that 
there is hope they may return safe. In the meantime their 
ladies forget not their old familiarity, but meet daily to 
lament that misfortune. The factions in [the Company] 
are grown so violent as Guelfs and Ghibellines were not 
' more animated one against another; and they seldom meet 
upon the Exchange, or in the streets, but they brabble and 
I quarrel**^ 

In 1621 the kingp having arrived at the end of his purse, 
seized what he thought a favourable moment for summon- 
ing Parliament, but found that body more intractable than 
ever. The Commons busied themselves with attacking 
monopolies and impeaching the Lord Chancellor Bacon for 
taking bribes. Then they expressed unqualified disapproval 
The king ^^ ^^^ Spanish match, whereupon the king told 
febiikrd by them to mind their own business and not meddle 
oTCom^ With his. "A long and angry dispute ensued, 
which terminated in a strong protest, in which the 
Commons declared that their privileges were not the gift of 
the Crown, but the naturrsl birthright nf Hnglish subjects, 

and that matters of public in- 
terest were within their pro- 
vince." 2 This protest so infu- 
riated the king that he tore it 
into pieces, and forthwith dissolved Parliament, sending 
Pym, Southampton, and other leaders to prison. This was 
in January, 1622. 

As more than a hundred members of this froward Parlia- 
ment were also members of the Company, it is not strange 
that the king should have watched more eagerly than ever 
for a chance to attack that corporation. A favourable oppor- 
tunity was soon offered him. A certain Nathaniel Butler, 
governor of the Bermuda Islands, was accused of extorting 

^ Xeill's Vinrinia Conipany, p. 413. 
^ Bright, History of England, ii. 604. 



a large sum of money from some Spaniards who had been 
shipwrecked there, and very damaging evidence Nathaniel 
was brought against him ; but he seems to have jfis'^',^"** 
known how to enlist powerful .friends on his side. p*^'«' 
On being summoned to England he went first to Virginia, 
where his services were in demand during the brief but 
bloody Indian war that followed upon the massacre of 1622. 
Then after arriving in England he published, in April, 1623, 
a savage attack upon the London Company, entitled " The 
Unmasked Face of our Colony in Virginia." Simultane- 
ously with the publication of this pamphlet the charges 
against its author were dropped and were nevermore heard 
of. Such a coincidence is extremely significant ; it was com- 
monly believed at the time that Butler bought the sup- 
pression of the charges by turning backbiter. His attack 
upon the Company is so frivolous as plainly to indicate its 
origin in pure malice. It is interesting as the first of the 
long series of books about America printed in England 
which have sorely irritated their American readers, some 
Sixteen of the old Virginia settlers who were at an^an- 
that moment in London answered it with convin- ^^'^^ 
cing force. Some of this Butler's accusations, with the 
answers of the settlers, may fitly be cited for the side-light 
they throw upon the state of things in Virginia, as well as 
upon the peculiar sinuosities of Stuart kingcraft. 

*' I. I found the plantations generally seated ui)on meer 
salt marishes full of infectious bogs and muddy creeks and 
lakes, and thereby subjected to all those incon- ^^^^ 
veniences and diseases which are so commonly "»aiaria 
found in the most unsound and most unhealthy parts of Eng- 
land, whereof every country and climate hath some. 

''Answer: We say that there is no place inhabited but 
is conveniently habitable. And for the first plantation, which 
is Kiccoutan, . . . men may enjoy their healths and live as 
plentifully as in any part of England, . . . yet that there 
are marishes in some places we acknowledge. ... As for 
bogs, we know of none in all the country, and for the rest of 


the plantations^ as Newport's News, Blunt Point, Warrisco 
yakj Martin's Hundred . . . and all the plantations right 
over against James City, and all the plantaticms above these 
(which are many) . , , they are [all] very fruitful, . , . plea- 
sant, . . . healthful, and high land, except James City, which 
yet is as high as Deptford or Ratcliflfe. 

"2, I found the shores and sides of those parts of the 

main river where our plantations are settled everywhere so 

shallow as no boats can approach the shores, so 

as lo wet' . ^ - -, 

ting one's that — bcsides the difficulty, danger, and spoil of 

goods m the landing of them — people are forced 

Ho a continual wading and wetting of themselves, and that 

[[too] in the prime of ^vinter, when the ships commonly 

arrive, and thereby get such violent surffcits of cold upon 

cold as seldom leave them until they leave [off] to live. 

*' Afiswer: That generally for the plantations at all times 
from half flood to half ebb any boat that draws betwixt 
3 and 4 foot water may safely come in and land their goods 
[•dry on shore without wading. And for further clearing of 
bis false objections, the seamen ... do at all times deliver 
the goods they bring to the owners dry on shore, whereby it 
plainly appears not any of the country people . . , are by 
this means in danger of their lives. And at . . . many plan- 
tations below James City, and almost all above, they may 
at all times land dry. 

"3. The new people that are yearly sent over [who] 
arrive here (for the most part very unseasonably in winter) 
find neither guest-house, inn, nor any the like place to shroud 
themselves in at their arrival ; [and] not so much as a stroke 
as to d in ^^ gi^'^n toward any such charitable work ; [so that] 
under many of [these new comers] by want hereof aire not 

^ ^^^ only seen dying under hedges and in the woods, 
but being dead lie some of them many days unregarded and 

''Afiszuer: The winter is the most healthful time and 
season for arrival of new comers. True it is that as yet 
there is no guest-house or place of entertainment for stran- 

huusefi, and 


f^ers. But we aver it was a late intent ... to make a gen- 
eral gathering for the building of such a convenient house, 
which by this time had been in good forwardness, had it not 
pleased God to suffer this disaster to fall out by the Indians. 
But although there be no public guest-house, yet are new 
comers entertained and lodged and provided for by the gov- 
ernor in private houses. And for any dying in the fields 
through this defect, and lying unburied, we are altogether 
ignorant ; yet that many [persons] die suddenly by the hand 
of God, we often see it . . . fall out even in this flourishing 
and plentiful city [of London] in the midst of our streets. 
As for dying under hedges, there is no hedge in all Virginia. 

" 5. Their houses are generally the worst that ever I saw, 
the meanest cottages in England being every way equal (if 
not superior) with the most of the best. And be- as to the 
sides, so improvidently and scatteringly are they {JJ*^"*' 
seated one from another as partly by their distance '»*>"* 
but especially by the interposition of creeks and swamps 
. . . they offer all advantages to their savage enemies. . . . 

"AfiScuer: The houses . . . were . . . built for use and 
not for ornament, and are so far from being so mean as 
they are reported that throughout [England] labouring 
men's houses . . . are in no wise generally for goodness to 
be compared unto them. And for the houses of men of 
better rank and quality, they are so much better and [so] 
convenient that no man of quality without blushing can 
make exception against them. [As] for the creeks and 
swamps, every man . . . that cannot go by land hath either 
a boat or a canoe for the conveying and speedy passage to 
his neighbour's house. . . .'* ^ 

So go the charges and the answers. It is unnecessary to 
cite any further. The animus of Captain Butler's pamphlet 
is sufficiently apparent. He wished to make it appear that 
things were wretchedly managed in Virginia, and that there 
was but a meagre and contemptible result to show for all the 
^ NeiU's I'iri^inia Company, pp. 395-401. 


treasure that had beeh spent and all the lives that had been 
lost Whatever could weaken people's faith in the colony, 
Object of check emigration, deter subscriptions, and in any 
Utfchirgc* vvay embarrass the Company, he did not fail to 
bring forward. Not only were the sites unhealthy and the 
houses mean, but the fortifications were neglected, planta- 
tions were abandoned, the kine and poultry were destroyed 
by Indians, the assembly enacted laws wilfidly divergent 
from the laws of England, and speculators kept engrossing 
wheat and maize and selling them at famine prices ; so said 
Butler, and knowing how effective a bold sweeping lie is sure , 
to •be, in spite of prompt and abundant refutation, he ended 
by declaring that not less than 10,000 persons had been sent 
out to Virginiat of whom '* through the aforenamed abuses and i 
neglects '* not more than 2,000 still remained alive. There- 
fore, he added, unless the dishonest practices of the Com- 
pany in London and the wretched bungling of its oflSciais in 
Virginia be speedily redressed ** l?y some divine and supreme 
hand, . , . instead of a Plantation it will shortly get the 
name of a slaughter house, and [%vill] justly become both 
otlious to ourselves and contemptible to all the world" 

All these allegations were either rleniecl or satisfactority 
explained by the sixteen settlers then in London, and their 
Theassem- sixtccu affidavits wcrc duly sworn to before a 
uleaHega- J'^^tary public. Some months afterward, Captain 
tions Butler's pamphlet was laid before the assembly of 

Virginia and elaborately refuted. Nothing can be clearer 
than the fact that the sympathies of the people in Virginia 
were entirely on the side of the Company under its present 
management, and no fact could be more honourable to the 
Company. From first to last the proceedings now to be 
related were watched in Virginia with intense anxiety and 
fierce indignation. 

On Thursday of Holy Week, 1623, a formal complaint 
against the Company, embodying such charges as those I 
have here recounted, was laid before the Privy Council, and 
the Lord Treasurer Cranfield, better known as Earl of Mid- 



dlesex, sent notice of it to Nicholas Ferrar, with the demand 
that a complete answer to every particular should ^^ ^^^^ 
be returned by the next Monday afternoon. Ferrar demanded 
protested against such unseemly haste, but the Lord 
Treasurer was inexorable. Then the young man called to- 
gether as many of the Company as he could find at an hour's 
notice that afternoon ; 
they met in his mo- 
ther's parlour, and he 
read aloud the com- 
plaint, which took 
three hours. Then 
Lord Cavendish, Sir 
Edwin Sandys, and 
Nicholas Ferrar were 
appointed a committee 
to prepare the answer. 
"These three," says 
our chronicle, "made 
it midnight ere they 
parted ; they ate no 
set meals ; they slept 
not two hours all 
Thursday and Friday 
nights ; they met to 
admire each other's 

labours on Saturday night, and sat in judgment on the whole 
till five o'clock on Sunday morning; then they divided it 
equally among six nimble scribes, and went to bed them- 
selves, as it was high time for them. The transcribers 
finished by five o'clock Monday morning ; the Company met 
at six to review their labours, and by two in tlie afternoon 
the answer was presented at the Council Board." * 

This answer was a masterpiece of cogency. It proved the 
baselessness of the charges. Either they were complete 
falsehoods, or they related to disasters directly connected 
^ Carter's Ferrar, p. 71. 


with the Indian massacre, which was not due to any provoca- 

. , tion on the part of the whites, or else they showed 

A cogent * ^ . -^ 

»naweris the effects of mismanagement in Sir Thomas 
Smith's time, especially under the tyrannical ad- 
ministration of Argall from which the colony had not yet 
fully recovered. In short, such of the charges as really 
bore against the Company were successfully shown up as 
affecting its old government under Smith and Warwick, and 
not its new government under Sandys and Southampton. 
The latter was cleared of every calumny, and its absolute 
integrity and vast efficiency were fully est abl is heel Such, at 
least, is the decisive verdict of history, but the lords of the 
Privy Council were not willing to accept such a result. It 
amounted almost to an impeachment of the court party, and 
it made them angry. So the Earl of Warwick succeeded in 
obtaining an order that Lord Cavendish, Sir Edwin Sandys, 
and Rev. Nicholas Ferrar— *as "chief actors in inditing and 
penning ... an impertinent declaration containing bitter 
invectives and aspersions " — should be confined to their own 
houses until further notice.* The object of this was to pre- 
vent them from conferring with each other. Further hostile 
inquiries were prosecuted, and an attempt was made to de* 
tach Ferrar from his associates. One day, as he was answer- 
ing some queries before the Privy Council, one of the lords 
handed him an important official letter to the governor of 
Virginia. " Who draws up such paper's ? " asked the lord. 
"The Company," replied Ferrar modestly. "No, no!** in- 
terrupted another lord, " we know your style ; these papers 
are all yours, and they are masterpieces." The letter was 
shown to the king, who was pleased to observe, "Verily, the 
young man hath much worth in him." To detach him from 
the Company the king offered to make him clerk 
to corrupt of the Privv Council or ambassador to the court of 
Savoy. Both were fine offers for a man only in his 
thirtieth year, but Ferrar was not to be tempted. Then an 
effort was made to induce him to advise the Company to sur- 
^ NeilPs Virginia Company, p. 411. 


render its charter, but he refused with some scorn. A great 
number of the nobility and gentry, he said, besides mer- 
chants and artisans of the city of London, relying upon the 
royal charter, had engaged in a noble enterprise, one of the 
most honourable that England had ev^r undertaken ; many 
planters in Virginia had risked their estates and lives in it ; 
the Lord had prospered their endeavours, and now no danger 
threatened the colony save the malice of its enemies ; as for 
himself he was not going to abuse his trust by deserting it. 
While these things were going on, the king appointed a 
board of commissioners to investigate the affairs of Virginia, 
and the spirit in which they were appointed is sufficiently 
revealed by the fact that they all belonged to the disaffected 
faction in the Company and held their meetings at the house 
of Sir Thomas Smith. One of their number was the . ^ _. , 

A board of 

vindictive and unscrupulous ex-governor. Sir Samuel commis- 
Argall, — which was much like setting the wolf to **" 
investigate the dogs. Some of these commissioners went 
out to Virginia and tried to entrap the assembly into asking 
for a new charter. It was all in vain. Governor, council, 
and House of Burgesses agreed that they were perfectly 
satisfied with the present state of things and only wanted to 
be let alone. Not a morsel of evidence adverse to the pre- 
sent management of the Company could be obtained from 
any quarter. On the contrary, the assembly sent to Eng- 
land an eloquent appeal, afterward entitled " The Tragical 
Declaration of the Virginia Assembly," in which the early 
sufferings of the colony and its recent prosperity were passed 
in review ; the document concluded with an expression 
rather more forcible than one is accustomed to find in deco- 
rous and formal state papers. After describing the kind of 
management under which such creatures as Argall could 
flourish, the document goes on to say, " Rather [than] be 
reduced to live under the like government, we desire his 
Majesty that commissioners may be sent over with authority 
to hang us." 

Long before this appeal reached England, the final assault 


upon the Company had begun. In July» 1623, the attorney- 
Aitomt;y- general reported his opinion that it was advisable 
ft^t!k*ti*m foi" the king to take the govemnient of Virginia 
^jt&war- Ij^^q j^jg Q^^j^ hands. In October an order of the 
aerved Pfivy CouncU announced that this was to be done. 
The Company^s charter was to be rescinded, and its deputed 
powers of sovereignty were to be resumed by the king. This 
meant that the king would thereafter appoint the council 
for Virginia sitting in London. He would also appoint the 
governor of Virginia with his colonial council. Such a trans- 
formation would leave the joint-stock company in existence, 
but only as a body of traders without ascertained rights or 
privileges and entirely dependent upon royal favour. No 
settled p<jlicy could thereafter be pursued, and under the 
circumstances the change was a deathblow to the Company. 
Southampton and Ferrar refused to surrender, and referred 
the c|uestion to their next quarter-sessions to be held in No- 
vember. Then the king brought suit against the Company 
in the court of King's Bench, and a writ of ^//<? warranto was 

Then came the most Interesting moment of all The only 
hope of the Company lay in an appeal to Parliament* and 
Appeal to that last card was boldly played. Early in 1624 
Parliament ^j^^ Spanish match, to secure which the miserable 
king had for ten years basely truckled and licked the hand 
of England's bitterest enemies, was finally broken off. War 
with Spain was at hand ; a new policy, of helping the German 
Protestants, and marrying Baby Charles to a French prin- 
cess, was to be considered ; and much money was needed. 
So James reluctantly issued writs for an election, and the 
new Parliament, containing Sandys and Ferrar, with many 
other members of the Virginia Company, met in February. 
In April a petition was presented in behalf of the Virginia 
The king Company, and a committee had been appointed to 
allow the consider it, when the Speaker read a message from 
appeal the king, forbidding Parliament to meddle with the 
matter. He distinctly announced the doctrine that the 



government of colonies was the business of the king and 
his Privy Council, and that Parliament had nothing to do 
with it. This memorable doctrine was just that which after- 
wards found favour with the American colonists for very 
different reasons from those which recommended it to King 
James. The Americans took this view because they were 
not represented in Parliament, and intended with their colo- 
nial assemblies to hold the crown officials, the royal gov- 
ernors, in check just as Parliament curbed the Crown. By 
the middle of the eighteenth century this had come to be 
the generally accepted American doctrine ; it is interesting 
to see it asserted early in the seventeenth by the Crown 
itself, and in the interests of absolutism. 

In 1624 Parliament was not in good condition for quarrel- 
ling with the king upon too many issues at once. So it ac- 
quiesced, not without some grumbling, in the royal ^^^^j.^^ 
prohibition, and the petition of the Virginia Com- generals 
pany was laid upon the table. A few weeks later ^*^^""^*" 
the case on the quo warranto was argued before the court 
of King's Bench. The attorney-general's argument against 
the charter was truly ingenious. That charter allowed the 
Company to carry the king's subjects across the ocean to 
Virginia; if such a privilege were to be exercised without 
limitation, it might end in conveying all the king's subjects 
to America, leaving Great Britain a howling wilderness! 
Such a privilege was too great to be bestowed upon any 
corporate body, and therefore the charter ought 
to be annulled. Such logic was irresistible, and on charter 
the i6th of June the chief justice declared "that junei6,' 
the Patent or Charter of the Company of English ^^^^ 
Merchants trading to Virginia, and pretending to exercise 
a power and authority over his Majesty's good subjects there, 
should be thenceforth null and void." Next day Thomas 
Wentworth, afterward Earl of Strafford, gave vent to his 
glee in a private letter : " Methinks, I imagine the Quater- 
nity before this have had a meeting of comfort and consola- 
tion, stirring up each other to bear it courageously, and Sir 



Edwin Sandys in the midst of them sadly sighing iorth, 
the burden uf Virginia!" By the Quatcrnity he meant 
Southampton, Sandys, Ferran and Cavendish. On the 26th 
of June the Privy Council ordered Nicholas Ferrar to bring 
all the books and papers of the late Company and hand 
them over to its custody. 

Ferrar could not disobey the order, but he had made up hb 
mind that tlie records of the Company must be preserved, 
for its justification in the eyes of posterity. As 
the reconb soon as he saw that the day of doom was at hand 
^^* he had copies made. One of Ferraris dearest j 

friends was the delightful poett George Herbert, a young* 
man of his own age, whose wido%ved mother had married Sir 
John Dan vers, a prominent member of the Company. They 

lived in a fine old house in 
Chelsea, that had once been 
part of the home of Sir 
Thomas Mora There Nich- 
olas Ferrar passed' many 
a pleasant evening with 
George Herbert and his ec- 
centric and skeptical bro- 
th t.r, afterward Lord Her- 
bert of Cherbury; and if 
ever their talk grew a bit 
too earnest and warm, we 
tan fancy it mellowed again 
as that other sweet poet. 
Dr. Donne, dropped in, with 
gentle Izaak Walton, as used 
often to happen. In that 
house of friends, Ferrar had 
a clerk locked up with the 
records until they were all 
copied, everything relating to the administrations of Sandys 
and Southampton, from the election of the former, in April, 
16 1 9, down to June 7, 1624. The copy was then carefully 




compared with the original documents, and its perfect accu- 
racy duly attested by the Company's secretary, Edward Col- 
lingwood. Sir John Danvers then carried the manuscript to 
the Earl of Southampton, who exclaimed, as he threw his 
arms about his neck, ** God bless you, Danvers ! I shall keep 
this with my title-deeds at Tichfield ; it is the evidence of 


my honour, and I prize it more than the evidence of my 
lands." About four months afterward Southamp- „. , . 

* Historv of 

ton died. Forty-three years afterward, in 1667, his amami- 
son and successor passed away, aiid then this pre- '*"'^ 
cious manuscript was bought from the executors by William 
Byrd, of Virginia, father of the famous historian and anti- 
quary. From the Hyrd library it passed into the hands of 
William Stith. president of William and Mary College, who 
used it in writing his History of Virginia, published at Wil- 
liamsburg in 1747, one of the most admirable of American 
historical works. From Stith's hands the manuscript passed 
to his kinsman, Peyton Randolph, president of the Conti- 
nental Congress, and after his death in 1775, Thomas Jeffer- 
son bought it. In 1814 ex-president Jefferson sold his library 
to the United States, and this manuscript is now in the 



Library of Congress, 741 folio pages bound in two volumesl 
As for the original dcxrunientii, they are nowhere to be found 
among British records ; and when we recollect how welcome 
their destruction must have been' to Sir Thomas Smith, to 
the Earl of Warwick, and to James L, we cannot help feel^ 
Ing that the chest of the Privy Council was not altogether a 
safe place in which to keep them* 

It h to the copy i)reserv*ed through the careful forethought 
ot Nicholas Kerrar thot we owe our knowledge of one of the 
most interesting chapters in early American history. In the 
development of Virginia the overthrow of the great London 
Company was an event of cardinal importance. For the mo- 
ment it w^as quite naturally bewailed in Virginia as a direful 
calamity ; but* as wc shall presently see, it turned out to be 
a blessing in disguise. Stuart despotism gained not Q\m of 
itH ends, except the momentar)^ gratification of spleen, and 
self-government in Virginia, which seemed in peril, wetit on 
to take root more deeply and strongly than before. 



From the busy streets of London, from the strife in Par- 
liament and the Privy Council, we must turn once more to 
the American wilderness and observe what progress had 
been made in Virginia during the seventeen years 

, r • • . ^ 1 Retrospect 

of Its government by a great joint-stock company. 
Hut for a correct appreciation of the situation we must qual- 
ify and limit this period of seventeen years. The terrible 
experience of the first three years left the colony at the 
point of death, and it was not until the administration of Sir 
Thomas Dale that any considerable expansion beyond James- 
town began. The progress visible in 1624 was mostly an 
affair of ten years' duration, dating from the abolition of 
communism and the beginnings of tobacco culture. By far 
the greater part of this progress had been achieved within 
the last five years, since the establishment of self-government 
and the greater part played by family life. In 1624 the 
colony of Virginia extended from the mouth of James River 
up nearly as far as the site of Richmond, with plantations on 
both banks ; and it spread over the peninsula between the 
James and the broad stream next to the north of it, which at 
that time was called the Charles, but since 1642 has been 
known as the York River. There were also a few settle- 
ments on the Accomac peninsula east of Chesapeake Bay. 
It would be hard to find elsewhere upon the North American 
coast any region where the land is so generally and easily 
penetrable by streams that can be navigated. The Tidewater 
country known as ** tidewater Virginia " is a kind Virginia 
of sylvan Venice. Into the depths of the shaggy woodland 


for many miles on either side the great bay the salt tide 
ebbs and flows. One can go surprisingly far inland on sea- 
faring craft, while with a boat there are but few plantations 
on the old York peninsula to which one cannot approach 
very near. In the absence of good roads this ubiquity of 
navigable water was a great convenience, but doubtless the 
very convenience of it may have delayed the arduous work 
of breaking good land-routes through the wilderness, and 
thus have tended to maintain the partial isolation of the 
planters' estates, to which so many characteristic features of 
life in Old Virginia may be traced. 

If in 1624 we had gone tip stream to Werow^ocomoco, 
where Smith had broken the ice with his barge fifteen years 
before, we should probably have found very little of its 
strange barbaric life remaining. The first backward step of 
the Indian before the encroaching progress of En<^lishmen 
Recedmg ^ad been taken. The frontier was fast receding to 
frontier jj^g Pamuukey region along the line joining the site 
of West Point with that of Cold Harbor ; and from that 
time forward a f>erpctually receding frontier of barbarism 
was to be one of the most profoundly and variously signifi- 
cant factors in the life of English-speaking America until 
the census of 1890 should announce that such a frontier 
could no longer be definitely located. In the last year of 
James I. the grim Opekankano and his warriors still held 
the Pamunkey River ; in that neighbourhood and to the 
north of it one might have seen symptoms of the wild fron- 
tier life of the white hunter and trapper. Returning thence 
to the great bay, the plantation called Dale's Gift on the 
Accomac shore would have little about it that need detain 
us, and so sweeping across from Cape Charles to Point Com- 
fort, we should come to Elizabeth City, named for King 
James's daughter I'21izabeth, Queen of Bohemia. The only 
plantation here, standing like a sentinel to guard the prin- 
The plan- cipal avcnuc into the colony, bears the name of 
tations ^Yic last trcasurcr of the Company, curtailed into 
Hampton. The next borough bears the name of Southamp- 



ton's enemy, the Earl of Warwick, and opposite are the plan- 
tations on Warrasqueak Bay. Passing Jamestown, we arrive 
at the mouth of the Chickahominy, above which lies an ex- 



^^ . 





! \ 1^ 

■ ^7*\ ~ 



i^-.j.. .^ ik^jl^H 



^m^'- 1 


tensive' territory known as Charles City, with the plantations 
of Wyanoke and Westover, while over on the south side of 
the James the settlements known as Martin Brandon, Flow- 
erdieu Hundred, and Bermuda successively come into sight 


and disappean Then we sail around the City of Henricus, 
and passing the ruins of Falling Creek, destroyed by the 
Indians, we come at length to the charming place that Smilli 
called Nonesuch. Here, a few miles Ix^Iow the spot where 
Richmond is in future to stand, we reach once more the 
frontier. Beyond are endless stretches of tangled and rnys- 
terious woods through which the sturdy Newport once vainly 
tried to find his way to some stream flowing into the Facific 
Ocean. Here we may turn our prow and make our way 
down to Jamestown, where the House of Burgesses is in 

It is called a House of Burgesses because its members 
are regarded as the representatives of boroughs, and sLich 
a name sounds queer as applied to little areas of scattered 
farms in the forest. Still more strange is the 
und epithet ** city for tracts of woodland several miles 

urgcsifts j^ extent, and containing half a dozen widely isolated 
plantations. The apparent absurdity is emphasized on the 
motlern map, where such names as Charles City and James 
City are simply names of counties. How came such names 
first to be used in such senses ? One's mind naturally 
reverts to what goes on to-day in the Far West, where geo- 
graphical names, like doubtful promissory notes, must usually 
be taken with heavy discount for an uncertain future, where 
in every such appellation there lurks the hope of a boom, 
and any collection of three or four log-cabins, with a saw- 
mill and whiskey-shop, surrounded by a dozen acres of 
blackened tree-stumps, may forthwith appear in the Postal 
Guide under some such title as Chain Lightning City. In 
oldest Virginia we may perhaps see marks of such a spirit 
of buoyant confidence in such names as Charles City or the 
City of Henricus. No doubt Sir Thomas Dale, when he 
fortified the little Dutch Gap peninsula and marked out its 
streets, believed himself to be founding a true city with 
urban destinies awaiting it. This explanation, however, does 
not cover the whole case. Whatever the title of each indi- 
vidual settlement in oldest Virginia, — whether plantation. 





G I N I A, and ihe iuccelTc of i lie assures 
there till the i $ of /ii*tr, 1614. 



ftucralJ Eit^lilh towncs jind fom. dicafiTii- 

(cd hop fs«f tfijccouiitrie and iKe pewe 

(iKclitdtiwUbtb* ImMsb/^ 

The ChtiRcn\n%of PmfiJtMf<hfigh«t 

Midh«rm*T$4it with m EHlltih 0*40. 

Wri ttcii by R A p H a Ha M R £ he jGa« 
ger^Iatc Sccrc«»r!c in thai Colon r. 


fnntfA at t eidon h v 1 o h h B i a 1 8 for W I v 

MAW W|L8Trf*dlmgifth€(gpe <4tlw 



m hundred^ or city, — all were alike conceived, for legal and 
political purposes, as equivalent to boroughs, although they 
were not thus designated Now the primary meaning of 
the word "borough" is "fortress/' and in early English 
usage a borough was a small and thickly peopled hundred 

surrounded by a durable wall. A "hundred*' was 
anis a small aggregation of townships united by a com* 

mon responsibility for the good behaviour of its 
people ; it was therefore the smallest area for the admims- 
tration of justice, the smallest social community which pos* 
sessed a court. Ordinarily the hundred was a rural com- 
munity, but that special compact and fortified form of it 
known as the borough retained all the legal features of the 
ordinary hundred ; it had its own court, and was responsi- 
ble for its own malefactors and vagrants. In old English 
boroughs the responsible men — those who owned property^ 
and paid taxes, and chose representatives — were the bur- 
gesses. Bearing always in mind this equivalence between 
the borough and the hundred, we may note further that in 
early times the hundred was a unit for military purijoses ; it 
was about such a community as could furnish to the general 
levy a company of a hundred armed men. It was also a 
unit of representation in the ancient English shiremoot or 
county court. Now in oldest Virginia the colonial assembly, 
when instituted in 1619, the earliest legislature of civilized 
men in the western hemisphere, was patterned after the old 
English county court, and it was natural that its units should 
be conceived as hundreds and in some instances called so. 
Moreover, there are indications that at times the hundred 
was regarded as a military division, and also as the smallest 
area for the administration of justice, as in the law passed in 
1624 providing that Charles City and Elizabeth City should 
hold monthly courts.^ Whatever 'names the early settlers 
of Virginia gave to their settlements individually, they seem 
to have regarded them all in the legal light of hundreds, 
and as tliey were familiar with the practical equivalence of 
* In<;le, '' Local Institutions of Virginia,"/- ^' ^- StudUs^ iii. 148. 


the borough as a unit for judicial and representative pur- 
poses, it was natural that when they came to choose a gen- 
eral assembly they should speak of its members as if they 
were representatives of boroughs. They were familiar with 
burgesses in England, but the desigjiations "hundred-men" 
and "hundred-elders" had become obsolete. 

Resuming our pilgrimage through the Virginia of 1624, 
we find no walls of massive masonry with frowning turrets 
encompassing these rudimentary boroughs, but at the most 
exposed points we meet with stout wooden blockhouses and 
here and there a row of palisades. At some places there 
are wharves for the convenient shipping of tobacco, but now 
and then, if the tide is not just right, we may be in danger 
of wetting our feet in going ashore, about which that ill-dis- 
posed Captain Butler has lately made so much fuss. The 
wooden frame houses, havincr been built without ^, , 

^ The houses 

regard to aesthetic effects, with beams here and 
there roughly hewn and boards not always smoothly planed, 
arc not so attractive in outward appearance as they might 
be, but they are roomy and well-aired, and the settlers 
already point to them with some degree of pride as more 
comfortable than the houses of labouring men in England. 
These houses usually stand at wide intervals, and nowhere, 
perhaps, except at Henricus and Jamestown, would one see 
them clustering in a village with streets. Here and there 
one might come across a handsomer and more finished man- 
sion, like an English manor-house, with cabins for servants 
and farm buildings at some distance. Of negroes scarcely 
any are to be seen, only twenty-two all told, in this |xjpula- 
tion of perhaj)s 4000 souls. Cheap labour is sup- Laj^^^g^j^ 
plied by white servants, bound to their masters by 
indentures for some such term as six or seven years ; they 
are to some extent a shiftless and degraded set of creatures 
gathered from the slums and jails of ICnglish seaport towns, 
but many of them are of a better sort. Of red , ^. 

•' Indians 

men, since the dreadful massacre of two years ago, 

one sees but few ; they have been driven off to the frontier. 


the alliance cemented by the marriage of Pocahontas is at an 
end, and no more can white men be called Powhatana On 
this point the statute book speaks in no uncertain tones : 
•VFfor the Indians we hould them our irrecosileable eni* 
mies," and it is thought fit that if any oi them be found 
molesting cattle or lurking about any plantation, **then the 
commander shall have power by virtue of this act to rayse 
a sufficient partie and fall out uppon them, and |>ersecute 
them as he shall finde occasioa" ^ 

In the plantaticms, thus freed from the presence of In- 
dians, Pairopean domestic animals have become plenty. 
Horses, indeed, are not yet so much in demand as boats and 
ARtkiii- canoes^ but oxen draw the plough, the cows are 
turc.etc, niilked night and morning, sheep and goats browse 
here and there, pigs and chickens are innumerable. Pigeons 
coo from the eves, and occasionally one comes upon a row 
of murmurous bee-hives. The broad clearings are mostly 
covered with the cabbage-like tobacco plant* but there are 
also many fields of waving wheat and barley^ and many 
more of the tasselled Indian corn. John Smith's scheme for 
manufacturing glass and soap has not yet been abandoned ; 
the few workmen from Poland, brought here by him, have 
remained, or else others have come in place of them, for we 
find the House of Burgesses passing a statute admitting 
them to the franchise and other privileges of English citizen- 
ship, because of their value to the commonwealth in these 
branches of industry. Skilled workmen of another sort have 
been sent over by Nicholas Ferrar from France, for since 
mulberries grow in Virginia it has been thought that silk- 
worms might be profitably raised here, but such hopes are 
not destined to be realized. 

Such was the outward aspect of things along the banks of 
the James River in the year when, amid general grief and 
forebodings, the London Company was dissolved ; and such 
it continued to be for many a year to come, save that the 
cultivated area increased in extent and the settlers in num- 
^ Hening's Statutes at Large, 1. 176, 193. 



and Conpmy of V zji o x m z a, refident 


Minifler oCHbhrzco in 


bfdicpceftntStiteoftfauCottnney, tad 

MV CtttHki'tbtrr, 

feruled and publifhed by diredioa 
And a PrefiMC pitfixed of feme matwis 


Imprtntedby F^x KjngRMfox^ii.xtMg 

W B t B y, and are to be fold at his SbopjA 

TmIs Cburcb-yardMt tbeji^ttftkt 

I I 1 1.1 til W III 1 \K» i: - ■• li'iiU* \! \M ■^ I U'lM \ Il:i,l\l \ 


bcr, and that in spite of divers efforts to check it^ the rais- 
^ ^ iu§i of tobacco encronchecf more and more upon all 

Other forms of industry, tendmg to crush them out 
of existence, while at the same time the plantations grew 
larger and the demand for cheap labour was vastly increased. 
For some time the cultivation of Indian corn assumed con- 
siderable pro(x>rtions, so that not only was there enough for 
home consumption, but in 1634 more than ten thousand 
bushels were exported to Winthrup^s new colony on Massa- 
chusetts Bay. Ne\'ertheless the encroachments of tobacco 
went on without cessation, until the features of social life in 
old Virginia came to be those of a wealthy and pow^erful 
community economically based upon one single form of 
agricultural industry. 

In the Virginia of 1624 one could not look for any highly 
developed forms of social recreation, or for means of educa- 
tion or literary attainment. Various espisodes of farm work, 
such as the harvesting of the crops, or now and then the 
raising of the frame of a house or barn, seem to have been 
occasions for a gathering of neighbours with some sort of 
merry makingp very much as in other primitive rural commu- 
nities. Among the leiidin^ colonists were men of university 
education who brought with them literary tastes, and in 
their houses might have been found ponderous tomes of con- 
troversial theology, as well as those little thin quarto tracts 
of political discussion that nowadays often fetch 

Literature t r y ^ • a- • t i r- • i 

such fabulous prices. Captam John Smith was 
spending his last years quietly in England, making maps 
and writing or editing books. His "General History of 
Virginia," published in 1624, can hardly fail to have been 
read with interest in the colony ; and the same ship that 
brought it may well have brought the first folio edition of 
Shakespeare's complete works, which came from the press 
in the preceding year. Literary production of a certain sort 
went on in the colony. Such tracts as Ralph Hamor's 
** True Discourse" and Whitaker's "Good News from Vir- 
ginia," though books of rare interest and value, will per- 


haps hardly come under the category of pure literature. But 
the translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses by George Sandys, 
youngest brother of Sir Edwin, has been well known and 
admired by scholars from that time to our own. George 





Sandys came to Virginia in 162 1 as treasurer of the colony, 
fortified with some rather dull verses from the poet laureate, 
Michael Drayton : — 

" And worthy George, by industry- and use 
Let's see what lines Virginia will produce : 
Kntice the Muses thither to repair, 
Entreat them gently, train them to' that air ; 
For they from hence may thither hap to fly." 

On the bank of James River the worthy George entreated 
the Muses with success and wrote the greater part of his 
poetical version, which was published at London in 1626. 


But tlie Muses could not be enticed to stay long ii 

giim without some provision for higher education there, and 

this was well iindersttwd by Sir Edwin Sandys and 

uoLjon ^^^ enlig^htened gentlemen who siupported him. In 
1621 the Company resolved that funds should be appropri* 
atcd '* for the erecting of a public free school . , , for the 
education of children and grounding of them in the principiesi 
of religion. Civility of life and humane learning/' said the 
com mitt ee*s report, '* seemed to carry with it the greatest 
weight and highest consequence unto the plantations as that 
whereof both Church and Common wealth take their origi* 
nal foundation and happy estate, this being also 3ike[ly] to 
prove a work most acceptable unto the planters, through 
want whereof they have been hitherto constrained to their 
great costs to send their children from thence hither to 
be taught/" Rev, Patrick Copeland, a missionary returning 
from the East Indies, raised ^£^70 toward the endowment of 
this school, and was busily engaged in doing more for it. Il 
was accordingly called the East India School, it was to be 
,, . , established in Charles City, and its courses of study 

Project for -^ . ^ 

aumvcr- wcre to be preparatory to those of a university 
* ^ which was to be set up in the city of Henricus, 

Great interest was felt in this university. Like Harvard Col- 
lege, founded somewhat later, it was designed not only for the 
education of white youths but also for civilizing and mission- 
ary' work among the Indians. The Bishop of London raised 
by subscription ^'1000 for the enterprise; one anonymous 
benefactor gave a silver communion service ; another, who 
signed himself '* Dust and Ashes," sent ^550, and promised, 
after certain progress should have been made, to add ;£450 
more ; this man was afterward discovered to be a member 
of the Company, named Gabriel Barber. The elder Nicholas 
Ferrar left ^300 in his will, and various contributions were 
added by his sons. A tract of land in Henricus was ap- 
propriated for the site of the college, and George Thorpe 
was sent out to be its rector, or, as we should say, its presi- 
dent. But Thorpe, as well as others who were interested in 



the enterprise, perished in the Indian massacre of 1622. It 
seems that Copeland was about to be sent to take his place, 
and the enterprise was about to be vigorously pushed on by 
Ferrar and his friends, when the overthrow of the Company 
took away all control ovdr Virginian affairs from the people 


most interested in this work. So the scheme for a college 
remained in a state of suspended vitality for seventy years, 
until Dr. Blair revived it in 1692, and established it in the 
town of Williamsburg. 

Everybody knows that the college of William and Mary is 
the oldest in the United States, after Harvard. It is not so 
generally known that the former was planned and all but 
established in 1622, eight years before Winthrop and his 
followers came to Massachusetts Bay. It is a just and whole- 
some pride that New England people feel in recalling the 
circumstances under which Harvard College was „ . 

^ Puritans 

founded, in a little colony but six years of age, still and Liberal 
struggling against the perils of the wilderness and 
the enmity of its sovereign. Such an event is quite pro- 
perly cited in illustration of the lofty aims and intelligent 
foresight of the founders of Massachusetts. But it should 
not be forgotten that aims equally lofty and foresight equally 



tnt£l%ent were shovn by tlie toen who irom 1619 to 1624 
CMilniOetl the afikini of Virgmia. One of the noblest fea- 
ttir^ m the great Puritan moii'emeat nos its zeal Uyr educa- 
thm, deniCTttar)" ediu!atioti ior everybody and higher educa- 
tion for all who cotild a^-aii themselves of it It is iniportant 
10 rernember that this seal for ^ucation, as well as the zeal 
for poUtica] libertjv *^s fl<* confined to the Puritans. Within 
the established Church of England and never feeling a desire 
to leave it, were eminent men who to the political principles 
of I^m joined a faith tn education as strong as Locke's. 
The general temper of these men, of iniiom Richard Hooker 
•was the illustrious master, was broadly tolerant. Sir Ed\iin 
Sandys w^as friendly to the Le)*den Pilgrims, and it was j 
under his administration that the Virginia Company granted 
them the patent under which they would have founded their 
colony on the coast of Nc%v Jers^' or Delaware, had not foul 
weather driven the Mayflt*wer to Cape Cod. It was Sandys 
and Nicholas Ferrar that w*ere most energetic in the attempt 
to found a college in Virginia, and there were some curious 
points of resemblaiace between their situation iti 1622 and^^H 
the situation of VVinthrop and his friends while they were^^ 
laying the foundations of Har\^ard College, In 1622, while 
James I. was plotting the overthrow of the London Com- 
pany, the horrors of Indian massacre, as sudden as lightning 
from a cloudless sky, fell upon the people of Virginia. In 
1637 the people of Massachusetts had the Pequot war on 
their hands, and Charles I. was plotting the overthrow of the 
Company of Massachusetts Bay, against whose charter he 
was on the point of issuing a writ of (//w luarranto^ when in 
St. Giles's church at Edinburgh one Sunday old Jenny 
Geddes threw her camp-stool at the bishop's head, and in the 
ensuing turmoil American affairs were quite forgotten. 

The comparison reminds us that the Company of Massa- 
chusetts Bay knew how to profit by the fate of its 

Ma^sacliu- ■' * •' 

setts iiid great i)redecessor, the London Company for Vir- 

X'iri/ini.i . . , , c ^ i .1 • 

ginia. In the summer of 1629, when thmgs were 
lookin;^ very dark in England, the leaders of the Massachu- 


setts Bay Company held a meeting at Cambridge and decided 
to carry their company, with its charter, across the ocean to 
New England, where they might work out their purposes 
without so much danger from royal interference. This 
transfer of the Company to America was the most funda- 
mental circumstance in the early history of New England. 
The mere physical fact of distance transformed the commer- 
cial company into a self-governing republic, which for more 
than fifty years managed its own affairs in almost entire in- 
dependence of the British government. Difficulty of access 
and infrequency of communication were the safeguards of 
the Massachusetts Bay Company. If it had held its meet- 
ings and promulgated its measures in London, its life would 
not have been worth a five years' purchase. It had the fate 
of the Virginia Company for a warning, and most adroitly 
did it profit by the lesson. If the Virginia Company could 
have been transferred bodily to America in 1620, it might 
perhaps have become similarly changed into a self-governing 
semi-independent republic ; the interests of the Company 
would have been permanently identified with those of the 
colony, and the course of Virginian history might have been 
profoundly affected. As it was, Virginia attained through 
the fall of the Company to such measure of self-government 
as it had throughout the colonial period, a self-government 
much like that of Massachusetts after 1692, but far less com- 
plete than that of Massachusetts before 1684. 

It was not the intention of James I. that the overthrow of 
the Company should contribute in any way to increase the 
liberties of the colony of Virginia. All colonizable territory 
claimed by Great Britain was, in his opinion, just so much 
royal domain, something which came to him by inheritance 
like the barony of Renfrew or the manor of Windsor ; it 
was his to do what he liked with it, and for settlers in such 
territory no better law was needed than such as he could 
make for them himself. A shadow of doubt as to j^^jath of 
his own omniscience was never one of James's Ja"™*^^'- 
weaknesses, and no sooner had the Company's charter been 


annulled than he set himself to work to draw up a constitu- 
tion for Virginia. It was work of a sort that he thoroughly 
enjoyed, but what might have come of it will never be 
known, for while he was busy uath it there came u|x>n him 
what the doctors called a tertian ague, which carried him off 
in March, 1625. 

In the history of England no era is marked by the acces- 
sion of Charles L In its policy and methods, and in the 
political problems at issue, his reign was merely the con- 
tinuation of his father's. But in the history of Virginia his 
accession marks an important era. For if James had lived 
to complete his constitution for Virginia he would in all 
probability have swept away the representative government 
introduced by Sir Edwin Sandys ; but Charles allowed it to 
stand. As the situation was left by the death of James, so it 
remained without essentia! change until 1776. The House 
of Burgesses was undisturbed, but the governor and council 
Eit<tcvf were thenceforth appointed by the crown. The 
fail uFthe colony was thus left less independent than it would 
Company have been if the Company, with its power of elect- 
ing its own executive officers, could have been transferred 
bodily to Virginia ; but it was left more independent than it 
would have been if the existence of the Company had been 
continued in London. The change from governors appointed 
by the Company to governors appointed by the crown was a 
relaxation of the supervision which England exercised over 
Virginia. For the Company could devote all its attention 
to the affairs of the colony, but the crown could not. Es- 
pecially in such reigns as those of the two Charleses, the 
attention of the crown was too much absorbed with affairs 
in Great Britain to allow it to interfere decisively with the 
course of events in Virginia. The colony was thus in the 
main thrown back upon its own resources, and such a state 
of things was most favourable to its wholesome development. 
The Company, after all, was a commercial corporation, and 
the main object of its existence was to earn money for its 
shareholders. The pursuit of that object was by no means 





always sure to coincide with the best interests of the colony. 
Moreover, although the government of the Company from 
1619 to 1624 was conducted with energy and sagacity, disin- 
terestedness, honesty, and breadth of view such as history 
has seldom seen rivalled, yet there was no likelihood that 
such would always be the case. Such a combination of men 


in responsible positions as Southampton and Sandys and 
Ferrar is too rare to be counted upon. The Company might 
have passed for a weary while under the control of incompe- 
tent or unscrupulous men, and to a young colony like Vir- 
ginia such a contingency would have been not only disagree- 
able but positively dangerous. No community, indeed, can 
long afford to have its affairs administered by a body of men 
so far away as to be out of immediate touch with it. On the 
other hand, even if we could suppose a commercial company 
to go on year after year managing a colony with so much 
intelligence and sympathy as the London Company showed 


in its last days, such a situation would not be permanently 
wholesome for the colony. What men need is not fostering 
or coddling, but the chance to give free play to their individ- 
ual capacities. If coddling and fostering could make a colony 
thrive, the French in Canada ought to have dominated NortU 
America From all points of view, therefore, it seems to 
have been well for Virginia that the Company fell when it 
did. It established self-government there, set its machinery 
successfully to work, and then vanished from the scene, like 
the Jinni in some Oriental tale, leaving its good gift behind. 
The boon of self-government was so congenial to the tem- 
per of the Virginians that they would doubtless hiwe con- 
trived somehow to obtain it sooner or later. Hutchinson telb 
us that when the second American house of representatives 
was instituted, namely, that of Massachusetts Bay in 1634, 
the people were well aware that no provision for anything of 
The virus ^^^ ^-^"^ ^^^ been made in their charter, but ihey 
ofiiu-rty assumcd that the right to such i*cprcscntation wa** 
implied by that clause of the charter which reser\^ed to them 
the natural rights of Englishmen ; ' and elsewhere the same 
eminent historian quaintly sprnks nf :\ Wmsc of Burgesses 
as having broken out in Virginia in 16 19, as if there were an 
incurable virus of liberty in the English blood, as if it were 
something that must come out as inevitably as original sin. 
But if James I. had lived longer, as I have already observed, 
he would undoubtedly have made an effort to repress this 
active spirit of liberty. The colonists, on hearing of the 
downfall of the Company, were in great alarm lest they 
should lose their I louse of Burgesses, and have some arbi- 
trary governor a])pointed to rule over them, perhaps the 
hated Argall himself, whom we have seen King James select- 
ing as one of a board of commissioners to investigate affairs 
in Virginia. In 162 1, when for some reason or other the 
amiable and popular Yeardley had asked to be relieved of 
the duties of governor, Argall had tried to get himself 
appointed in his place, but the Company had cho.sen Sir 
^ Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. Bay, i. 37. 



Francis Wyatt, who held the office until 1626, while Yeardley 
remained in Vir<;inia as a member of the council. In 1625, 
as soon as the assembly heard of Kinj:^ James's death, they 


sent Yeardley to England to pay their respects to King 
Charles and to assure him that the people of Virginia were 
thoroughly satisfit^d with their go\^ernnrient and hoped that 
no changesy would be made in it. 

Now it happened that Charles had a favour to ask of the 
iiettlers in Virginia, and was in the right sort of mood for a 
bargain* He was no more in love than his father with the 
majiy-tongued beast called Parliament, he saw how comfort- 
ably his brother-in-law of France was getting along without 
such assistance, and he was determined if possible to do 
likewise. But to eet alone without parliaments a 

Chiles L , 

«nd ihu t4> poor kinE must have some means of t^ettini^ money, 
rhe virgmia tobacco crop was fast becommg a 
great source of wealth ; why should not the king himself go 
into the tobacco trade ? If all tobacco brought to England 
from Virginia could be consigned to him, then he could 
retail it to consumers at his own price and realize a gigantic 
profit ; or» what was perhaps still better, having obtained 
this monopoly, he could farm it out to various agents who 
would be glad to pay roundly for the privilege. Now the 
only way in which he could treat with the people of Virginia 
on such matters was through the representatives of the peo- 
ple. Accordingly, when Governor Wyatt in 1626 had occa- 
sion to return to England, the king sent back Sir George 
Yeardley as royal governor, which under the circumstances 
was a most emphatic assurance that the wishes of the set- 
tlers should be granted. Furthermore, in a message to their 
representatives Charles graciously addressed them as ** Our 
trusty and well-beloved Burgesses of the Grand Assembly 
of Virginia," and thus officially recognized that house as a 
coordinate branch of the colonial government. Some arrange- 
ments made with regard to the tobacco trade were calculated 
to please the colonists. James I., under the influence of his 
mentor, Count Gondomar, had browbeaten the Company into 
an arrangement by which they consented to import into 
England not more than 60,000 or less than 40,000 pounds 
of tobacco yearly from the Spanish colonies. Charles I. on 



the other hand prohibited the importation of Spanish to- 
bacco, so that Virginia and the Bermudas had a monopoly 
of the market. In spite of this friendly attitude of the king 
toward the colonists, he never succeeded in becoming the 
sole purchaser of their tobacco at a stipulated price. The 
assembly was ready from time to time to entertain various 
proposals, but it never went so far as that ; and if Charles, 
in sanctioning this little New World parliament, counted 


upon getting substantial aid in ignoring his Parliament at 
home, he was sadly disappointed. 

It is now time for us to attend a session of this House 
of Burgesses, to make a report of its work, and to 
mention some of the vicissitudes which it encoun- American 
tered in the course of the reign of Charles I. The ^^'^^ ^^^ 
place of meeting was the wooden church at Jamestown, 50 
feet in length by 20 in width, built in 16 19, for Lord Dela- 
ware's church had become dilapidated ; a solid brick church, 
56 feet by 28, was built there in 1639. From the different 


plantations and hundreds the burgesses came tnostly in their 
barges or liloops to Jamestown. In 1634 the colony was 
orgatiizcd into counties and parishes, and the burgesses 
thenceforth represented countiesi, but they always kept their 
old title. At first the governor, council, and burgesses met 
together in a single assembly, just as in Massachusetts untU 
1644, just as in England the Lords and Commons usually 
sat together before 1339.^ A member uf this Virginia |iar- 
liament must take his breakfast of bacon and hoe-cake be- 
times, for the meeting was called together at the third beat 
of the drum, one hour after sunrise. The sessions were 
ahvays opened with praj'^ers, and every absence from this 
service was punished with a fine of one shilling. The fine 
for absence during the whole day was half a crowm. In the 
choir of the church sat the governor and council, their coats 
trimmed with gold lace. By the statute of 1621, passed 
in this very church, no one was allowed to wear gohi lace 
except these high officials and the commanders of hundreds, 
a class of dignitaries who in 1634 were succeeded by the 
county lieutenants. In the body of the church, facing the 
choir, sat the burgesses in their best attire, with starched 
ruffs, and coats of silk or velvet in bright colours. All sat 
with their hats on, in imitation of the time-honoured custom 
of the House of Commons, an early illustration of the demo- 
cratic doctrine, *' I am as good as you." These burgesses 
had their speaker, as well as their clerk and sergeant-at-arms. 
Such was the first American legislature, and two of its 
acts in the year 1624 were especially memorable. One was 
the declaration, passed without any dissenting voice, *'that 
the governor shall not lay any taxes or impositions upon the 
colony, their lands or commodities, othcrway than by the 
authority of the general assembly, to be levied and employed 
as the said assembly shall appoint." The other was the 
punishment of I^dward Sharpless, clerk of the house. When 
the king's commissioners to inquire into the affairs of Vir- 

' Skottowc. S/iorf History of Parliafftent, p. 19; Taswell-Langmcad, 
Etii^Ush Constitutional /listory, p. 262. 


ginia asked for the public records of the colony the assembly 
refused to show them, albeit they were ready to answer 
questions propounded in a becoming temper. But the com- 
missioners practised upon Sharpless and induced him to 
furnish them with a copy of the records, whereupon the 
assembly condemned the said Sharpless to stand in the pil- 
lory and have half of one ear cut off. 

This general assembly was both a legislative and a judicial 
body. It enacted laws and prescribed the penalties for break- 
ing them, it tried before a jury persons accused of crime 
and saw that due punishment was inflicted upon those w^ho 
were adjudged guilty, it determined civil causes, assessed 
the amount of damages, and saw that they were collected. 
From sweeping principles of constitutional law down to the 
pettiest sumptuary edicts, there was nothing which this little 
parliament did not superintend and direct. On one occasion, 
"the delegates from Captain John Martin's plantation were 
excepted to because of a peculiar clause in his Martin's 
patent releasing him from obeying any order of the case 
colony except in times of war." A few days afterward the 
said Captain Martin appeared at the bar of the house, and 
the speaker asking whether he would relinquish the particu- 
lar clause exempting him from colonial authority, replied that 
he -would not yield any part of his patent. The assembly 
then resolved that the burgesses of his plantation were not 
entitled to seats.^ Such exemptions of individual planters 
by especial license from the home government, although rare, 
were of course anomalies not to be commended ; in some 
cases they proved to be nuisances, and in course of time all 
were got rid of. From this constitutional question the assem- 
bly turned to the conversion of the red men, and enacted 
that each borough or hundred should obtain from the Indi- 
ans by just and fair means a certain number of Indian chil- 
dren to be educated "in true religion and a civil Education 
course of life ; of which children the most towardly ^^ Indians 
boys in wit and graces of nature [are] to be brought up by 
^ Neill's Virginia Cofftpany. p. 140. 


them in the first elements of literature, so as to be fitted for 
the college intended for them, that from thence they may be 
sent to that work of conversion/' Few enactments of any 
legislature have ever been better intended or less fruitful 
than this. 

It was moreover enacted that any person found drunk was 
Drunkards ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ offence to be privately reproved by the 
minister; the second time this reproof was to be 
publicly administered ; the third time the offender must be 
put in irons for twelve hours and pay a fine ; for any subse- 
quent offences he must be severely punished at the discre- 
tion of the governor and council 

To guard the community against excessive vanity in dress, 
it was enacted that for all public contributions 
every unmarried man must be assessed in church ac- 
cording to his own "apparel ;*' and every married man must 
be assessed "according to his own and his wife*s apparel." 
Not merely extravagance in dress> but such social misde* 
mean ours as flirting received due lesrislative con- 
demnation. Pretty maids were known to encourage 
hopes in more than one suitor, and gay deceivers of the 
sterner sex would sometimes seek to win the affections of 
two or more women at the same time. Wherefore it was 
enacted that ** every minister should give notice in his 
church that what man or woman soever should use any word 
or speech tending to a contract of marriage to two several 
persons at one time ... as might entangle or breed scru- 
ples in their consciences, should for such their offense, 
either undergo corporal correction [by whipping] or be pun- 
ished by fine or otherwise, according to the quality of the 
person so offending.^ 

Men were held to more strict accountability for the spoken 
or written word than in these shameless modern days. One 
of the most prominent settlers we find presenting a petition 
to the assembly to grant him due satisfaction against a neigh- 
bour who has addressed to him a letter " wherein he taxeth 
^ Cooke's Virohitay p. 149. 


him both unseemly and amiss of certain things wherein he 
was never faulty." Speaking against the governor ^ ^ , 
or any member of the council was liable to be pun- 
ished with the pillory. It was also imprudent to speak too 
freely about clergymen, who were held in great reverence. 
No planter could dispose of so much as a pound of tobacco 
until he had laid aside a certain specified quantity 
as his assessment toward the ministers salary, 
which was thus assured even in the worst times, so far as 
legislation could go. It was enacted that "noe man shall 
disparage a mynister whereby the myndes of his parishoners 
may be alienated from him and his mynistrie prove less effec- 
tual!, upon payne of severe censure of the governor and 
councell."^ At the same time clergymen were warned 
against unseemly practices in terms so concrete as to raise a 
suspicion that such warning may have been needed. " Myn- 
isters shall not give themselves to excesse in drinking or 
ryott, spending their tynie idelie by day or by night playing 
at dice, cards, or any other unlawful! game, but at all tymes 
convenient they shall heare or reade somewhat of the holy 
scriptures, or shall occupie themselves with some other honest 
studies or exercise, alwayes doinge the things which shall 
apperteyne to honestie and endeavour to profitt the church 
of God, having alwayes in mind that they ought to excell all 
others in puritie of life, should be examples to the people, to 
live well and christianlie." "^ 

The well-being of Virginia society was further protected 
by sundry statutes such as the one which punished profane 
swearing by a fine of one shilling per oath. " For the better 
observation of the Saboth " it was enacted that no sabbath- 
person ** shall take a voyage vppon the same, except ^^»^king 
it be to church or for other causes of extreme necessitic," 
under penalty of forfeiting twenty pounds of tobacco for 
each offence. A similar fine was imposed for firing a gun 
upon Sunday, unless it might be for defence against the 

* Ilening's Statutes at Lari^t\ i. 15O. 
- Honing, i. 158, 1.S3. 


Indiana Selling amis or aramimition to Indians was pun- 
ished by imprisonment for life, with confiscation of goods. 
Every master of a family was required, under penalty of ten 
pounds of tobacco, to bring with him to church every Sunday 
a serviceable gun with plenty of powder and shot. 

Stringent le^slation protected the rights of thirsty per- 
sons. '* Whereas there hath been great abuse by the vnrea- 
strtMiK sonable rates enacted by ordinary keepers, and 
^^^ retaylcrs of wine and strong waters/' maximum 

prices were established as follows : for Spanish wines 30 lbs, 
of tobacco per gallon, for Madeira 20 Ibs.^ for French wines 
15 lbs,, for brandy 40 lbs., for "the best sorte of all English 
strong waters '* 80 lbs, ; and any vender charging above 
these rates was to be fined at double the rate. I*^or corrupt- 
ing or '* sophisticating" good liquor by fraudulent admix- 
tures, a fine was imposed at the discretion of the commis- 
sioners of the county courts. The innkeeper who sold wines 
and spirits to his guests did so at his own risk, for such 
debts were not recoverable at law.^ 

The ancient prejudice against forestalling survives in the 
following statute, which would make havoc of the business 
of some modem brokers : ** Whatsoever person or persons 
Fore- shall buy or cause to be bought any marchandize, 

staiiers victualls, or any other thinge, comminge by land 
or water to the markett to be sold, or make any bargaine, 
contract or promise for the haveinge or buyinge of the same 
. . . before the said marchandize, victualls, or other thinge 
shall bee at the markett readie to be sold ; or make any 
motion by word, letter or message or otherwise to any per- 
son or persons for the enhaunsing of the price, or dearer 
sellingc of any thinge or thinges above mentioned, or else 
disswade, move, or stirr any person or persons cominge to 
the marquett, to abstaine or forbeare to bringe or conveye 
any of the things above rehearsed to any markett as afore- 
sayd, shall be deemed and adjudged a forestaller. And yf 
any person or persons shall offend in the things before 
1 Hening, i. 194. 219, 261, 263, 300, 319, 350. 


; . 7^"E MOST HIGH, 
• ^ * -[^ r :^- And • \ 



th£ grace of god Q,VEENH 




' faith,&cVher most 
hvmble servavnt 

- SENT r 

FAME, -v 



recited and beinge thereof dulie convicted or attaynted shall 
(or his or tbeire fim offence suffer imprbonment by the 
space of two mount hes without baile or mame -prize, and 
shall also loose and forfeite the value of the goods soc by 
him or them bought or had as aforesayd ; and for a second 
offence . . . shall suffer imprisonment by the space of one 
halfe yeare . . . and shall loose the double value of all the 
goods . , . soe bought , , . and for the third offence , , . 
shall be sett on the pillorie . . . and loose and forfeit all the 
goods and chattels that he or they then have to theire owne 
use, and also be committed to prison, there to remayne 
duringe the Governor s pleasure," ^ 

Edmund Spenser, in his dedication of the " Faery Queene^" 
in 1590. calls Elizabeth the queen of England, France, and 
Ireland, and of Virginia, thus characterising as a kingdom 
the vast and vague domain in the New World which she 
was appropriating* Soon after the downfall of the Virginia 
Company, the document containing Charles I/s appointment 
^ ^, of William Claiborne as secretary of state in the 
iiomof colony mentioned it as "our kingdom of Virgmia ; 

■fK'^"^ and the phrase occurs in other writings of the time. 
It is a phrase that seems especially appropriate for the 
colony after it had come to be a royal province, directly 
dependent upon the king for its administration. During 
the reign of Charles I. the relations of the kingdom of Vir- 
ginia to the mother country were marked by few memorable 
incidents. In this respect the contrast with the preceding 
reign is quite striking. One must read the story in the 
original state papers, correspondence, and pamphlets of the 
time, in order to realize to what an extent the colony was 
cut loose by the overthrow of the Company. The most 
interesting and important questions that came up were con- 
nected with the settlement of Maryland ;^but before we enter 
upon that subject, a few words are needed on the succession 
of royal governors in Virginia. 

1 Hening, i. 194. 


The commission of Yeardley in 1626 named Sir John 
Harvey as his successor. When Yeardley died in 1627, 
Harvey had not arrived upon the scene, and needed to be 
notified. In such cases it was the business of the council 
to appoint a governor ad intcrimy and the council appointed 
one of the oldest and most honoured settlers, Francis West, 
brother of the late Lord Delaware. After one year of ser- 
vice business called West to England, and his place was 
taken by Dr. John Pott, who held the government until 
Sir John Harvey's arrival in March, 1630. This Dr. Pott 
is described as "a Master of Arts, . . . well practised in 
chirurgery and physic, and expert also in distilling of waters, 
[besides] many other ingenious devices." ^ It seems that he 
was likewise very fond of tasting distilled waters, a convivial 
and at times was more of a boon companion than 8^^'*-'''"*^'' 
quite comported with his dignity, especially after he had 
come to be governor. A letter of George Sandys to a friend 
in London says of Dr. Pott, ** at first he kept company too 
much with his inferiors, who hung upon him while his good 
liquor lasted. After, he consorted with Captain Whitacres, 
a man of no good example, with whom he has gone to 
Kecoughtan."2 What was done by the twain at Kecough- 
tan is not matter of record, but we are left with a sugges- 
tion of the darkest possibilities of a carouse. 

After Harvey's arrival ex-Governor Pott was arrested, and 
held to answer two charges : one was for having abused 
the powers entrusted to him by pardoning a culprit who had 
been convicted of wilful murder ; the other was for stealing 
cattle. The first charge was a matter of common notoriety ; 
on the second Dr. Pott was tried by a jury and found guilty. 
The ex-governor was not only a pardoner of felony, but a 
felon himself. The affair reads like a scene in comic opera. 
Some reluctance was felt about inflicting vulgar punishment 
upon an educated man of good social position ; so he was 
not sent to jail but confined in his own house, while Sir John 

^ Neill's Vit's^inia Company^ p. 221. 
2 Neill's Virginia CarolonuHy p. 79. 


Harv^ey wrote to the king for instructions in the matter. 
He informed the king that Dr. Pott was by far the best 
physician in the colony, and indeed the only one '* skilled in 
epidemical s/' and recommended that he should be pardoned 
Accordingly the doctur was set free and forthwith resunied 
his practice. 

Soon it was Governor Harvey's turn to get into difficulties* 
How he was " thrust out '' from his government in 1635 and 
restored to it by Charles I. in 1637 will best be told in a 
future chapter in connection with the affairs of Maryland. 
After Harvey's final departure in 1639, Sir Francis Wyatt 
was once more governor fur three years, and then came the 
Growth of famous Sir William Berkeley, who remained for 
vtrgiwa five -and -thirty years the most conspicuous figure in 
Virginia. When Berkeley arrived upon the scene, in 1642, 
on the eve of the great Civil War, he received from W'yait 
the government of a much greater Virginia than that over 
which Wyatt was ruling in 1624 lliose eighteen years of 
self-government had been years of remarkable prosperity 
and progress. Instead f>f 4000 English and 22 negroes, the 
population now numbered 1^,000 English and 300 negroes. 
Moreover, Virginia was no longer the only English colony. In 
Other ^^-4 there were no others, except the little band 

colonies of about 200 Pilgrims at Plymouth. In 1642 the 
population of New luigland numbered 26,000, distributed 
among half-a-dozen self-governing colonies. There was also 
a community of Dutchmen laying claim to the whole region 
between the Mohawk valley and Delaware Bay, with a flour- 
ishing town on Manhattan Island in the finest commercial 
situation on the whole Atlantic coast. The Virginians did 
not relish the presence of these Dutchmen, for they too laid 
claim to that noble tract of country. The people of Virginia 
had made the first self-supporting colony and felt that they 
had established a claim upon the middle zone. The very 
name Virginia had not yet ceased to cling to it. In books 
of that time one may read of the town of New Amsterdam 
upon the island of Manhattan in Virginia. In 1635 ^ party of 


Virginians went up to the Delaware River and took posses- 
sion of an old blockhouse there, called Fort Nassau, which 
the Dutch had abandoned ; but a force from New Amster- 
dam speedily took them prisoners and sent them back to 
Virginia,^ with a polite warning not to do so any more. They 
did not. 

Still nearer at hand, by the waters of the Potomac and 
Susquehanna, other rivals and competitors, even more unwel- 
come to the Virginians, had lately come upon the .scene. 
The circumstances of the founding of Maryland, with its 
effects upon the kingdom of V^irginia, will be recounted in 
the two following chapters. 

* Brodheads History ojNcu* York, i. 254. 


SnlTllLNN inA^r tH- IktLANlt 

wliicfi transf erred this Irish n:ime to the banks of the Pa- 
tapsco River make an interesting chapter of history. 

Georg^e Calvert » son of a wealthy ^^>rk shire farmer of 

ficori^e I'^lemish descent, was born about 1 580. After 

c.dvtTt taking his deforce at Oxford and travelling for some 

time on the Continent, he utls employed as an under-secre- 

* Joyce, /n's/i Anmt'x 0/ Piifu's^ Dublin, 1S69, p, 322, 


tary in the state department by Sir Robert Cecil, after whom 
he named his eldest son Cecilius. His warm advocacy of 
the Spanish marriage made him a great favourite of James L, 
so that in 161 7 he was knighted and in 16 19 was appointed 
secretary of state. He seems always to have had a leaning 
toward the Roman Church. Whether he was converted in 
1624, or simply made public profession of a faith long cher- 
ished in secret, is matter of doubt. At all events, he resigned 
his secretaryship at that time. The next year one of the 
last things done by James, a few days before his death, was 
to raise Calvert to the Irish peerage as Baron Baltimore. 

The son of Mary Stuart had a liberal way of dealing with 
his favourites. In March, 1623, he granted the a paUti- 
great southeastern promontory in Newfoundland ^fcwfound- 
— the region now known as Ferryland, between '^"^ 
Trinity and Placentia bays — to George Calvert, to be held 
by him and his heirs forever. The government was to be a 
** palatinate," a statement which calls for a somewhat detailed 

When that great and far-sighted ruler William the Con- 
queror arranged the affairs of England after the battle of Has- 
tings, he sought to prevent such evils as those against which 
the newly founded Capet ian monarchy in I'rance was strug- 
gling for life, evils arising from the imperfect subordination of 
the great feudal lords. To this end he made it a rule not to 
grant large contiguous estates to the .same lord, and in every 
county he provided that the king's officer, the sheriff, should 
be clothed with powers overriding those of the local manorial 
officens. He also obliged the tenants of the barons to swear 
fealty directly to the crown. This shrewd and wholesome 
policy, as developed under his able son Henry I. and his still 
abler great-grandson Henry H., has profoundly affected the 
political career of the English race. But to this originof 
general policy William admitted one class of excep- palatinates 
tions. In the border counties, which were never quite free 
from the fear of invasion, and where lawles.sness was apt to 
be more or less prevalent in time of peace, it was desirable 


to make the local rulers more powerful. Considerations of 
this sort prevailed throughout medieval Europe. Univer- 
sally, the ruler of a march or border county, the count or 
graf or earl placed in such a responsible position, acquired 
additional power and dignity, and came to be distinguished 
by a grander title, as margrave, marquis, or count of the 
marches. In accordance with this general principle, WiUiam 
the Conqueror granted exceptional powers and consolidation 
of authority to three counties, to Durham on the Scotch bor- 
der, to Chester on the border of Wales, and to Kent, where 
an invader from the Continent might with least diffictdty 
effect a landing. Local administration in those counties was 
concentrated in the hands of the county ruler ; they were 
made exceptionally strong to serve as buffers for the rest of 
the kingdom, and they w^ere called "palatinates " or ** coun- 
ties palatine/* implying that within their boundaries the 
rulers had quasi-regal rights as complete as those which the 
king had in his palace. They appointed the officers of jus- 
tice, they could pardon treasons and felonies, forfeitures at 
common law accrued to thenij and legal writs ran in their 
name instead of the king's. The title of "count palatine " 
carries us back to the times of the Merovingian kings in 
Gaul, when it belonged to one of the highest officers in the 
royal household, who took judicial cognizance of all pleas of 
the crown. Hence the title came to be applied to other 
officers endowed with quasi-regal powers. Such w^ere the 
counts palatine of the Rhine and Bavaria, who in the course 
of the thirteenth century became electoral princes of the 
Holy Roman Empire. One of theij domains, the Rhenish 
Palatinate, of which Heidelberg in its peerless beauty is the 
crown and glory, has contributed, as we shall hereafter see, 
an element of no small importance to the population of the 
United States. 

To return to William the Conqueror : in an age when the 
organization of society was so imperfect, and action at a 
distance so slow and difficult, the possession of quasi-regal 
powers by the rulers of the palatine counties made it much 


easier for them to summon quickly their feudal forces in 
case of sudden invasion. In view of the frequency „^ 

\ •' Changes in 

of quarrels and raids on the border, the quasi-regal English 
authority was liable at any moment to be needed ^^ ^ '"^ ^* 
to prevent war from breaking out, and the proper adminis- 
tration of justice demanded a short shrift and a sharp doom 
for evil-doers. The powers granted by William to the pala- 
tine counties resembled those wielded by the French duke- 
doms of the same period, but with admirable forethought 
he appointed to rule them priests who could not marry 
and found feudal families. Durham and for a time Chester 
were ruled by their bishops, and over Kent as a secular 
jurisdiction William placed his own brother, Odo, Bishop of 
Bayeux. In course of time many changes occurred. Kent 
soon lost its palatine privileges, while those of Chester were 
exercised by its earls until the reign of Henry III., when 
the earldom lapsed to the crown. After the conquest of 
Wales the county of Pembroke on its southwestern coast 
was made a palatinate, but its privileges were withdrawn by 
Henry VIII. For a time such privileges were enjoyed by 
Hexhamshire, between Durham and Northumberland, but 
under Elizabeth that little county was absorbed in Northum- 
berland. One other northern shire, the duchy of Lancas- 
ter, was made a palatinate by Edward III., but that came to 
an end in 1399, when the Duke of Lancaster ascended the 
throne of England as Henry IV. Traces of its old palatinate 
jurisdiction, however, still survive. Until the Judicature Act 
of 1873 Lancaster and Durham had each its own di.stinct 
and independent court of common pleas, and the duchy of 
I^ncaster has still its own chancellor and chancery court 
outside of the jurisdiction of the lord chancellor. As for the 
palatine authority of the bishops of Durham, it was vested in 
the crown in the year preceding the accession of Victoria. 

From this survey it appears that by the end of the six- 
teenth century the bishopric of Durham was left as the only 
complete instance of a palatinate, or kingdom within the 
kingdom. In the northern marches the need for such a 


stem days when the tartan- 
clad thousands came swarm- 
ing across the Tweed, to fall in heaps before the longbow 
at Halidon Hill and Neville's Cross and on many another 
field of blood. When the king of Scots came to be king 
of England, this principality of Durham afforded an instance 
of a dominion thoroughly English yet semi-independent, 
unimpeachable for loyalty but distinct in its administration. 
It was not strange, therefore, that it should have served 
as a pattern for colonial governments to be set up in the 
New World. For such governments virtual independence 
combined with hearty allegiance was the chief desideratum, 



a fact which in later days George IIL unfortunately forgot. 
From the merely military point of view a colony in the 
American wilderness stood in at least as much need of pal- 


atine authority as any frontier district in the Old World. 
Accordingly, when it was decided to entrust the work of 
founding an American colony to a nobleman with his client- 


age of followers, an example of the needful organization was 
already furnished by the great northern bishopric, Calvert's 
AvaiQmnd P^ovince in Newfoundland, which received the 
DMrham name of Avalon,^ was to be modelled after the 
palatinate of Durham, and the powers granted to its lord 
proprietor were perhaps the most extensiv^e ever bestowed 
by the Englbh crown upon any subject. 

A party of colonists went at once to Newfoundland in 
1623, but various affairs detained Lord Baltimore at home 
iisiitiincire's unlil 1 627, when he came with hk wifi! and children 
NeXiind^ to dwell in this New W'orld paradise of A\^loii. 
Uod The trail of the f^erpent was already there, A 

French fleet came to attack the colony^ meditating revenge 
for Argairs treatment of the French at Mount Desert and 
Port Royal, but Baltimore's ships were heavily armed and 
well handled^ and the Frenchmen got the worst of it. Then 
a party of Puritans came to Avalon, and these unbidden 
guests were horrified at what they saw. The Rev. Erasmus 
Stourton returned to England with a shocking story of how 
Lord Baltimore not only had the mass performed every^ 
Sunday, but had even allowed a Presbyterian child to be 
baptized by a Romish priest. Then the climate of Av:dnn 
proved to be anything but what had been expected. One 
Captain Richard Whitbourne had published an enthusiastic 
book in which he recorded his memories of June days in 
Newfoundland, with their delicious wild strawberries and 
cherries, the soft air redolent with the fragrance of red and 
white roses, the woods vocal with thrushes and other song- 
sters that rivalled the nightingale ; of wild beasts there were 
none that were harmful, and **in St. John's harbour he once 
saw a mermaid." ^ Lord Baltimore learned that it was not 
always June in Avalon. He wrote to Charles I. in August, 

1 From the so-called isle of Avalon, in Somerset, reputed to be the 
place where Christianity was first preached in Britain ; the site of 
the glorious minster of Glastonbury, where rest the ashes of Edgar the 
Peaceful and Edmund Ironside. 

'^ Browne's Ca/^'er/s, p. 17. 




1629, as follows : "I have met with difficulties and encum- 
brances here which in this place are no longer to be resisted, 
but enforce me presently to quit my residence and to shift 
to some other warmer climate of this New World, where the 
winters be shorter and less rigorous. T^or here your Majesty 
may please to understand that I have found by too dear- 
bought experience, which other men for their private inter- 
ests always concealed from me, that from the middle of Octo- 
ber to the middle of May there is a sad fare of winter upon 
all this land ; both sea and land so frozen for the greater 
part of the time as they are not penetrable, no plant or vege- 
table thing appearing out of the earth until the beginning of 
May, nor fish in the sea ; beside the air so intolerable cold 
as it is hardly to be endured. By means whereof, and of 
much salt meat, my house hath been an hospital all this 
winter ; of a hundred persons fifty sick at a time, myself 
being one, and nine or ten of them died. Hereupon I have 
had strong temptations to leave all proceedings in planta- 
tions, and being much decayed in my strength, to retire 
myself to my former quiet ; but my inclination carrying me 



imturally to these kind of works, and not knowing how better 
to employ the poor remainder of my clays than ... to fur* 
ther, the best I may, the enlarging your Majesty s empire in 
this part of the world, I am determined to commit this place 
to fishermen that are able to encounter storms and hard 
weather, and to remove myself with some forty persons to 
your Majesty's dominion Virginia ; where, if your Majesty will 
please to grant me a precinct of land, with such privileges 
as the king your father . . . was pleased to grant me here, I 
shall endeavour to the utmost of my power, to desen^e it/* ' 
To this letter the king returned a gracious reply, in 
which he advised Lord Baltimore, for the sake of his own 
comfort and peace of mind, to give up such arduous kind of 
work and return to England ; but before this reply reached 
Avalon, its proprietor had sailed for Virginia, with Lady 
^ , . , Baltimore and the children^ and a small retinue 
*iiUtoVir. of Servants and followers. He wished to see that 
^ country with his own eyes and learn if it were 

really fit for his purposes. On the first day of October, 1629^ 
he arrived at Jamestown, where he found the assembly in I 
session. That versatile physician, Dr. Pott, so skilled inM^H 
** ei>idemicals'* and strong waters and afterward convicted of 
lifting cattle, was then acting as governor. The reception 
given to Lord Baltimore was anything but cordial. All good 
Virginians hated Papists, and this particular Papist was 
known to stand in high favour with the king, so that he 
might turn out to be dangerous. He had been one of the 
commissioners appointed by James I. to look into the affairs 
of Virginia ; what if he were to persuade Charles I. to turn 
over the colony into his hands for safe-keeping ? There was 
really not the slightest danger of such a thing. Baltimore's 
wish was not to take possession of a colony already es- 
tablished, but to found one himself in accordance with his 
own ideas. It was not his purpose to become lord over the 
Virginians, but their neighbour, who might dwell near them 
on amicable terms. But the Virginians did not wish to 
* Browne's Calverts^ p. 25. 


receive him in any capacity or on any terms, except as a 
transient guest. There was an obvious and easy device for 
getting rid of him. Dr. Pott and the council tendered to him 
the oath of supremacy, which of course he could not take. 
This oath was a sworn recognition of the English sovereign 
as the only supreme authority throughout the British domin- 
ions in all matters ecclesiastical and spiritual. No Catholic 
could take such an oath. Baltimore proposed an alternative 
declaration of allegiance to which he could swear, but such 
a compromise was of course refused. Even had Dr. Pott 
and the council felt authorized to assume such responsibility, 
accommodation was not what they desired, and the royal 
favourite was told that he must sail for England at once. 
It appears that he met with some very rude treatment at 
Jamestown, which does not seem to have been publicly 
rebuked until the arrival of the new royal governor. Sir John 
Harvey, in the following March ; for on the records of the 
assembly for March 25, 1630, occurs the entry: "Thomas 
Tindall to be pilloried two hours, for giving my Lord Balti- 
more the lie and threatening to knock him down." It is 
evident, however, that such unseemly conduct could not have 
met with approval among respectable people at Jamestown, 
for when Baltimore sailed he left his wife and children there. 
It is clear that he intended soon to return, and wished to 
save them the discomforts and perils of the double voyage. 
He knew that Virginian hospitality could be relied on. 
His purpose of returning must have been well known, for 
the secretary of the colony, William Claiborne, was sent to 
London to keep an eye upon him and thwart his schemes as 
far as possible. After arriving in England, Lord Baltimore 
found so many hindrances to be reckoned with that he sent 
for his family and they followed him by a later ship. 

Baltimore's first request was for a tract of territory lying 
south of James River as far as the mouth of the Chowan (or 
Passamagnus) River in Albemarle Sound. This province 
was to be called Carolina, either in honour of Charles I., or 
because the name had been given by the Huguenots in 1562 



Tbe Char- 
les of 


in honour of Charles IX. of France to a point farther south 
on that coast and was vaguely applicable to territory between 
Virginia and Florida A charter conveying this land to 
Lord Baltimore had already been made out when Claiborne 
appeared with his objections, which were supported by other 
persons in London who were entertainirig schemes for found- 
ing a sugar-planting colony in Carolina. The matter was 
discussed in the Privy Council, and Baltimore's attention 
was called to the fact that the Dutch were taking possession 
of the country between the Hudson and Delaware rivers; 
would it not therefore be desirable to found a colony north 
of the Potomac, and squeeze these unwelcome intruders into , 
as narrow a space as possible ? Baltimore accepted 
this suggestion, and a charter was drawn up> grant- 
ing to him as lord proprietor the province which 
received the name of Maryland, after Charles's Catholic 
queen, Henriette Marie, in England commonly called Queen ' 
Mary> The charter, which Baltimore drew up with his own 
hand, was in the main a copy of the Avalon charter ; but 
before it had received the royal seal he died, in April, 1632. 
In June the charter was issued to his eldest son, CeciliuS' 
Calvert, second baron of Baltimore. 

In obtaining this new grant of Maryland, the Calverts did 
not regard themselves as giving up their hold upon New- 
foundland. Cecilius appointed a governor for Avalon as a 
fishing station, but in 1637, with characteristic recklessness, 
the king granted it to the Marquis of Hamilton and some 
/.u other noblemen, on the orround that the charter had 

I'ateotthe <=' 

Avalon been forfeited by disuse. More or less controversy 
went on until 1663, when in consequence of a judg- 
ment in the courts pronouncing the Hamilton grant void, 
Avalon was surrendered to Cecilius. But his descendants 
really neglected it, until in 1754 the charter w\as again de- 
clared forfeited, and the crown resumed its rights over the 
whole of that large island. 

It seems to have been the physical hardships sustained in 
Newfoundland that cut off the first Lord Baltimore prema- 



turely in his fifty-third year and prevented his witnessing the 
success of the enterprise which he had so much at heart. His 
plan was to found in the New World a commonwealth where 
Catholics might find a welcome refuge from the oppressive, 
legislation to which they were subjected in England. It was 
a j)lan that could be carried out only by adopting a policy of 

universal toleration utterly unknown in that age outside of 
the Netherlands. It called for the utmost sagacity character 
and tact, and was likely to require on the part of i^^J/jf bIuV 
the ruler all the well-nigh royal powers with which ™o^« 
Lord Baltimore had been endowed. Though the scheme 
was left for the son to put into successful operation, it was 
devised by the father and stamps him as no ordinary man. 
It is risht that he should be honoured as the first founder 


of Maryland. His portrait, painted for Lord Bacon by the 
illustrious Daniel Mytens, is now in the gallery of the Earl 
of Verulam, and there is a fine copy of it in the State-house 
at Annapolis. The face is courteous and amiable, albeit 
somewhat melancholy, and shows refinement and intelli- 
gence, as well as the honesty for which he was noted. George 
Calvert's integrity was such that throughout his public life 
men respected and trusted him without distinction of party. 
Of the sincerity of his religious feelings one gets a glimpse 
in such characteristic passages as the following, from a letter 
to his friend, the great Earl of Strafford: *'A11 things, my 
lord, in this world pass away ; wife, children, honours* wealth, 
friends, and what else is dear to flesh and blood. They are 
but lent us. till God please to call for them back again, that 
we may not esteem anything our own, or set our hearts upon 
anything but Him alone, who only remains forever." * 

Of the early life of the son, Cecil ius Calvert, very little is 
known. He was born in 1606 and entered Trinity College, 
Oxford, in 1621, but there is no record of his having taken a 
degree. He was hardly more than eighteen years old when 
he became the husband of I^dy Anne Arimdel, 
whose name is left upon one of the counties of 
AIlU via 11(1, and whose p^^rtrait by Vandyck, pre- 
served in Wardour Castle, shows her to have been 
one of the most beautiful women of her time. An engraved 
portrait of Cccilius, made in 1657 and now in possession of 
the Maryland Historical Society, gives us the impression of 
great sagacity and power, with the repose that comes from 
undisturbed self-control. There is perhaps more astuteness 
than in the father's face, but the look is also frank, as well 
as lofty and refined. Through many difficulties the plan 
conceived by George Calvert was put into operation by Cecil- 
ius, who is to be regarded as j:)reeminently the founder of 
Maryland. His strong personality is impressed upon the 
whole history of that interesting community; yet singularly 
enough, the second Lord Baltimore never visited the colony 
1 Browne's Calverts, p. 29. 

!> Calvert, 


■ ^ 



to which the labours of his long life were devoted. He cher- 
ished at first an intention of going out with the first party 
of colonists, but finding that London fairly swarmed with 
enemies to the enterprise, he found it most prudent to stay 
there and contend with them. This was only the beginning 
of long years of arduous work in which the right time for 
leaving lingland never came, and the Moses of this new 
migration and fresh departure in the way of founding states 
was at last gathered unto his fathers without ever having set 
foot in the Promised I^nd. 

In two ways the founding of Maryland was a new de- 
parture in methods of colonization. In the first place, it 
introduced into America a new type of colonial government. 
The Spanish and French colonies were simple despotisms 
administered by viceroyal governors, sometimes with advi- 
sory councils, sometimes partly held in check by an officer 
called the intendant, who was himself a counter- a new type 
despot. The government of Virginia after the sup- j;[,v^^rn"^* 
pression of the Company was called a crown gov- '"^"^ 
ernment because the governor and council were appointed 
by the king ; it was not a despotism, because there was an 
assembly elected by the people, without whose consent no 
taxes could be assessed or collected. The bond of con- 
nection with the mother country was loose but real. A 
contrast was afforded by Massachusetts, which under its 
first charter, from 1629 to 1684, was a true republic, with 
governor, council, and assembly all elected within the 
colony, so that the administration could move on quite in- 
dependently of any action in lingland. In the projDrietary 
governments, of which Maryland was the first example, the 
lord proprietor stepped into the place of the crown, while a 
charter, which might be forfeited in case of abuse, made it 
impossible for him to become an absolute monarch. The 
elective legislature of Maryland, which in point of seniority 
ranks third in America, next after Virginia and Massachu- 
setts, was expressly provided for in the charter. The lord 
proprietor's sovereignty was limited by this elected assembly 


of freemen, but his dependence iipcm the king of England 
waii little mure than nominal In token of allegiance and 
homage he was to send to the king each year two Indian ar- 
rows. His rent was to be one fifth part of all gold or silver 
mined in Maryland, but as no precious metals were found 
there, this rent amounted to nothing. Moreover, whenever 
it might seem necessary, the oath of allegiance might be 
administered to any of the inhabitants. Saving this formal 
recognition of his overlord, the lord proprietor was virtually 
Icing in Maryland Laws passed by the assembly became 
valid as soon as he had signed them, and did not need to be 
seen by the king In case the assembly could not conven- 
iently be brought together in an emergency, he could issue 
ordinances by himself, analogous to the orders of the Privy 
CounciL He could coin money and grant titles of nobility. 
he could create courts, appoint judges. and pardon criminals,] 
It was moreover expressly stipulated that within the limits] 
of Maryland no taxes could be either assessed or collected 
by any British government. Finally the lord proprietor- 
ship was vested in Cecil ins Calvert and his heirs, and in 
point of fact was exercised by them with some interruptions] 
for five generations ; st) that the government of colonial I 
Maryland was really a hereditary constitutional monarchy. 

Thus Lord Baltimore introduced into America a new and 
quite remarkable tyoe of colonial government. But in the 
Ecciesiasti- sccond placc his attempt to inaugurate a policy of 
oftheToS complete religious toleration was a still more mem- 
proprietor orablc departure from familiar methods. Among 
the express provisions of the charter there was nothing that 
looked toward such complete toleration. Any express tolera- 
tion of Catholics would have ruined the whole scheme at the 
start. The words of the charter were conveniently vague. 
In the original charter of Avalon the lord proprietor was 
entrusted with *'the patronage and advowsons of all churches 
which, with the increasing worship and religion of Christ 
within the said region, hereafter shall happen to be built ; 
together with license and faculty of erecting and founding 



churches, chapels, and places of worship, in convenient and 
suitable places, within the premises, and of causing the same 
to be dedicated and consecrated according to the ecclesiasti- 
cal laws of England." This Avalon grant of 1623 was made 
when Sir (leorge Calvert was still a member of the English 
church ; it empowered him to found Anglican churches, but 
did not expressly prohibit 
him from founding Ro- 
manist or Nonconformist 
places of worship along 
with the others if he 
should see fit. Now ex- 
actly the same words were 
repeated in the Maryland 
charter, although it was 
generally known that 
Lord Haltimore intended 
to make that colony an 
asylum for such LvUglish 
Catholics as wished to 
escape from their griev- 
ances at home. The fact that no prohibition was inserted 
shows that the king connived at Baltimore's scheme, per- 
haps through sympathy with his Catholic queen. None of 
the Stuarts were fierce Protestants, and it is worth noting 
that it was at the king's request that the colony was named 
Maryland. Mr. Gardiner's opinion seems well sustained, 
that '*the phrases of the charter were intended to cover a 
secret understanding between Haltimore and the king."^ 

Starting with such a charter, religious toleration in Mary- 
land was a happy product of circumstances. In view of the 
regal powers wielded by Lord Baltimore it was not easy for 
the Protestant settlers to oppress the Catholics ; Kciitjious 
while, on the other hand, if the Catholic settlers \^Xu^^ 
had been allowed to annoy the Protestants, it would ^^"^ 
forthwith have raised such a storm in England as would 
^ Gardiner, History of England^ viii. 179. 





have overwhelmed the lord proprietor and blasted his ent 
prise. The situatioji thus created was impro\^ed lo the b 
advantage by the strong common*sense and unfailing tact 
Cecilius Calvert. It is not likely that he had arrived at su 
advanced views of the entire separation of church and st^ 
us those which were set forth with such luminous coger 
by Ro^cr Williams, but there was a statesmanlike instil 
in him that led him in a similar direction. In jKiint of n 
^ious toleration Quaker Pennsylvania unquestionably ha 
the foremost place among the colonies, while next aftci 
comes Rhode Island, and then New NetherUuid, which, w 
a few exceptions, maintained the wholesome Dutch tra 
tions* There are some respects in which Maryland's recc 
may vie with the brightest, but her success was not attain 
without struggles. We shall presently iia^^e occasion to s 
how curiously her beginnings w^ere complicated with t 
affairs of her elder sister V^irginia and with some phases 
the Puritan revolution. 

If Lord BaltiTnore felt obliged himself to stay in Englai 
he was able lo send excellent agents to America in the p 
sons of his younger brothersj Leonard and Geor 
Item put at Calvert. The former he appointed governor 
Maryland. The most important member of t 
council was Thomas Corn wal lis, of an ancient and higl 
honourable London family, the same to which in later da 
belonged the Earl Cnmwallis who surrendered an army 
George Washington at York town J Leonard Calvert*^ shi 
were the Ark, of 3CMD tons burthen, with its attendant p 
nace, the Dove, of 50 tons ; and hit^ company comprised 
** gentlemen adv enturers " with about 300 Jabourcrs. 
alarmed were London people at the expedition that it to 
the shi|)S a full month to get away from the Thames Riv 
All kinds of rumours f!ew about. It was assumed that 
Catholics must be in league with Spain and that these shi 
must be concerned in some foul eonsj>iracy against t 
l^nglish ci>lonie.s in America. At the last moment a gn 
^ Xt^tlTs Virginia Cttrt>Imu*itf p- 99- 





fuss was made in the Star Chamber, and Coke sent an order 
post-haste to Admiral Pennington commanding the channel 
fleet to stop the ships at Dover. The oath of supremacy 
was administered, and we hear of 128 persons taking it at 
one time. It is generally believed that the majority of the 
company were Protestants ; the leaders were nearly all Cath- 



olics, including the amiable Jesuit, Father Andrew W 
who has left us in tiuaiut and very charming Latio a 
narrative uf the voyage.^ The ships hnally started or 
22d of November* 1633, stopped for a while in Janua; 
Barbadoes, and on the 27th of February reached Point < 
fur! J where a letter from the king ensured them court 
treatment at the hands of Governor Harvey. With a I 
stock of supplies they >sailed up Chesapeake Bay and 
the broad Potomac, and presently on a little wooded it 
which they called St Clement's — ^ since dwindled to 
mere vestige of a sand-bank — they celebrated Mass £01 
first time in English America on the 25th o£ March. 16; 
On a bluff overlooking the deep and broad St. M 
River the settlers found an Indiiin village, which they bo 

from its occupants with steel hatchets and 
with u* and pieces of cloth. These Indians were a tnl 

Algonqiiins, who had been so persecuted by ' 
terrible Iroquois neighbours, the Susquehannocks, that 
were already intending to move away to some safer reg 
so they welcomed the \vhite purchasers and the ch 
for buying steel hatchets. Leonard Calvert was as scr 
lously just in his dealings with red men as William Per 
later days, and like IV nn he was exceptionally favoured 
the circumstances uf his Indian neighbours* After 
Algonquins had departed froni St. Mary's, the fierce 
queh an nocks to the northvviird were so hard pressed by I 
hostile kinsmen of the l^'ive Nations, that they were onl) 
glad to live on amicable terms with the settlers of Maryl 
Thus one of the most formidable difficulties in the wz 
American colonization was removed at the start. 

At St. iMary'sj niureover, there was no Starving T 
The land had so long been cleared by the Indiums for 1 

own cnrn fields that Calvert's settlers at once b< 

oftiiL^^fi- planting for themselves. Father White sp 

^"*^" with approval of two native dishes which the 

dians call "pone'* and "hominy/* and from their sqi 

1 White's Re/atH* liinais. \mhL hy *\faryland Hist Soc, 


the English women soon learned how to bake and Iry these 
viands to perfection. In the course of the very first autumn 
the Marylanders were able to export a shipload of corn to 
New England in exchange for a cargo of salted codfish.^ 
Cattle and swine were obtained from Virginia, and soon the 
neighbourhood of St. Mary's was covered with thrifty and 
smiling farms. New colonists came quite steadily, and 
presently from St. Mary's the plantations spread about the 
shores of the Potomac River and Chesapeake Bay. The 
first assembly was convened and the first laws were enacted 
in 1635, and when Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, died, just forty 
years afterward, his Maryland had grown to be a prosperous 
community of 20,000 souls. 

Some of the more important details of this growth will 
form part of our story. At present we have to consider 
somewhat more closely the nature of this palatinate govern- 
ment, and the modifications which it underwent in its trans- 
fer from England to America. 

The Bishop of Durham was feudal landlord of the territory 
in his bishopric, and the most considerable part of his revenue 
came from rents.^ Until 1660 he also received a fluctuating 
but not insignificant income from such feudal incidents as 
escheats, forfeitures, and wardships. The rents and feudal 
dues were collected by the bailiffs, each in his bail- Constitu- 
iwick, and were by them paid over to the receiver- nlTrh'am: 
general, who was the superintendent of the palati- **^F.[^^ ^^ 
nate's finances. As for Durham's share of the crai 

national taxes, Parliament simply determined the amount : 
the bishop's government decided how it should be raised and 
his constables collected it. The only taxes collected by the 
king's officers were the customs. 

After 1536 the militia force of Durham, like that of other 

^ Winsor, Xarr. ami Crit. Hist. iii. 526. 

- There is an excellent summary of the institutions of Durham in 
Bassett's " Constitutional Bejjjinnings of North Carolina," Joints Hop- 
kins University Studies, vol. xii. For fuller accounts see Surtees, His- 
tory of the County Pa ia tine of Durtiam ; also, Surtees Society Publica- 
tions^ vols, xxxii., Ixxxii., Ixxxiv. 


counties, was commanded by an officer known as lord lieu* 
Lord u««- tenant. Formerly the command of the militia and 
i%r^ ^^ the collecting and disbursing of re%^enue were con- 
f^hmff centrated in the hands of the high sheriff, who 
continued to be nominally the superior officer over the lord 
lieutenant and receiver-general, while his actual duties were 
restricted, like those of sheriffs in other counties, to enforcing 
the decisions of the courts. But whereas all other sheriffs 
were crown officers, the high sheriff of Durham was account- 
able only to the bishop. 

The only officer of higher dignity than the high sheriff 
was the chancellor of temporalities, %vho exercised a twofold 
ChanoeJior fti^ction. He was the bishop's chief minister and 
of lempo- head of the civil government, and he presided over 
the bishop s high court of chancery. Below this 
high tribunal there were two kinds of courts. The one was 
like the ordinary courts of quarter sessions, composed of 
justices of the peace, save that these justices were appointed 
by the bishop and punished breaches not of the king's peace 
but of the bishop's peace. The other kind of court was one 
The that could be held in any manor of the bishopric. 

bslmote j^ ^^,^^ ^1^^ oKuinnLiI fourt oT 'Mialmote," the most 
interesting of these ancient institutions of Durham. The 
business of the halmote courts was to adjust all questions 
relating to the tenure of land, rights or easements in land, 
and such other matters as intimately concerned the little 
agricultural community of tenants of the manor. They 
could also issue injunctions and inflict sundry penalties. 
The These courts were held by the seneschal, an officer 

seneschal charged with the general supervision of manors, 
but all the tenants of the manor in question could attend the 
halmote, and could speak and vote there, so that it was like 
a town meeting. When we add that it could enact by-laws, 
thus combining legislative with judicial functions, we see its 
ancestry disclosed. This halmote in Durham was a descend- 
ant of the ancient folkmote or primary assembly which our 
forefathers brou^fht into Britain from their earlier home in 





the wilds of northern Germany. In this assembly the 
people of Durham preserved their self-government in matters 

of local concern. But the 
circumstances in which the 
palatinate grew up seem 
to have retarded the devel- 
opment of representative 
government. There was 
no shire-mote in Durham, 
attended by selected men 
from every manor or parish or township, as in the other coun- 
ties of England. Instead of laws enacted by such ,^,^^^ 
a representative body, there were ordinances passed bishop s 
by the bishop in his council, which was composed 
of the principal magistrates already mentioned, and of such 
noblemen or other prominent persons as might choose to 
come or such as might be invited by the bishop. It thus 
resembled in miniature a witenagemote or house of lords. 
The bishops of Durham seem to have been in general respon- 
sive to public opinion in their little world, and it does not 
appear that the people fared worse than they would have 
done with a representative assembly. The bishop was not 
an autocrat, but a member of a great ecclesiastical body, and 
if he made himself unpopu- 
lar it was quite possible to 
take steps that would lead to 
his removal. 

The lack of representative 
institutions in Durham, cou- 
pled with its semi-independ- 
ence, long retarded its parti- 
cipation in the work of national legislation. The bishop, of 
course, sat in the House of Lords, but not until the ,. . , 

r ^-1 I TT 1 • t . National 

reign of Charles II. was tins county palatme repre- roprcsenu- 
sented in the House of Commons. The change 
was inaugurated by Cromwell, under whose protectorship the 
palatine privileges were taken away, and Durham, reduced 



to the likeness of other counties, elected its members of Par-J 
iiament. In 1660 the restored monarchy undid this change 
and replaced the bishop, although with his palatinate privi- 
leges slightly Jihorn. In 1675 Durham began to be regularly ' 
represented in the House of Commons^ but that date was 
subsequent to the founding of the Maryland palatinate. At 
the time when Lord Baltimore's charter was issued, the 
bonds of connection between Durham and the rest of Eng- 
land were three : 1. the bishop was a tenant /« nipih' of the 

crown, besides being an officer of the Church and 
' tbns uijon a member of the House of Lords ; 2. the county 

regularly paid its share of the national taxes ; and 
3. cases in litigation between the bishop and his subjects 
cotild be appealed to the Court of Exchequer in London. 
Saving these important limitations, Durham was independent. 
The on!y way in which the king could act within its limits \ 
was by addressing the bishop, who by way of climax to his 
many attributes of sovereignty was endowed with the powers 
of coining money, chartering towns, and exercising admiralty 
jurisdiction over his seacoast. 

As 1 have already observ^ed, it was natural that in found- 
ing new governments In America this familiar e.vamplc of 
, . the Durham palatinate should be made to serve as 

The palati- ^ 

natetype a modcl. In polnt of fact not only Maryland, but 
every colony afterwards founded, except in New 
England, was at first a palatinate, with either a single lord 
proprietor or a board of projirietors at its head. Of the four 
colonies older than Maryland, three — English Virginia and 
Massachusetts, and Dutch New Netherland — were founded 
through the instrumentality of charters granted to joint- 
stock companies, organized really or ostensibly for commer- 
cial purposes ; one, Plymouth, was founded by the people and 
ignored by the crown until finally suppressed by it. Of the 
four New England colonies younger than Maryland, all were 
founded by the people themselves, one of them, New Haven, 
was soon suppressed, another. New Hampshire, was turned 
into a royal province, the other two, Connecticut and Rhode 


Island, were for the most part let alone. The governments 
of all the other colonics began as proprietary governments. 
This was the case with New York and the two Jerseys after 
the English conquest of New Netherland ; it was the case 
with Pennsylvania and Delaware, with the two Carolinas, 
and with Georgia. One and all of these were variations 
upon the theme first adopted in the founding of Maryland. 
All were based upon the palatinate principle, with divers 
modifications suggested by experience as likely to be more 
acceptable to the proprietors or to the crown. And just 
as the crown, for purposes of its own and without regard to 
the wishes of the people, changed the governments of Vir- 
ginia and New Hampshire and extinguished those of New 
Haven and Plymouth ; so in nearly every case we find *the 
people becoming so dissatisfied with the proprietary govern- 
ments that one after another they are overturned and the 
palatinates become transformed into royal provinces. We 
shall, therefore, find it profitable to trace the history of the 
palatinate principle in America through its initial theme and 
its subsequent variations. 

That initial theme was mainly an echo of the Old World 
music, but the differences were not without importance. In 
administrative machinery there was a strong re- similarities 
semblance between Maryland and Durham. The nirham 
governor of Maryland was Lord Baltimore's chief *i'"„'Ip^the 
minister, the head of the civil administration of the governor 
colony. He also presided over its court of chancery, and in 
this double capacity he resembled the chancellor of tempo- 
ralities. But, as befitted the head of a community planted in 
a hostile wilderness, he added to these functions those of 
the lord lieutenant and was commander-in-chief of the militia. 
Laws passed by the assembly required his signature to make 
them valid, and thus he possessed the ])ower of veto ; but he 
could not assent to a law repealing any law to which the lord 
proprietor had assented. Such matters had to be referred 
to the lord proprietor, whose prerogatives were jealously 
guarded, while the extensive powders accorded to the gov- 


enior were such as convenience dictated in view of the fact 
that the lord proprietor was absent in England, An instance 
of the principle and its limits is furnished by the governor's 
pardoning power, which extended to all offences except 

The personage next in importance to the governor was the 
secretary, who as receiver and disburser of revenues resembled 

the receiver-general of Durham, bnt to these func- 
$iirvey&r* tiotts he added those of recorder and judge of pro- 

bate, and sometimes also those of attorney-general 
Next came the surveyor-general, whose functions in deter* 
mining metes and bounds and in supervising manorial affairs, 
resembled those of the Durham seneschal. Then there was 
Muster a lieutenant commander of militia known as master- 
nmatcr-^eri' g^^j^^i-^i gf ^j^^ muster In each county there was 
aheriff» ^ sheriffp who, in addition to such functions as we 
are familiar with, collected all taxes, held all elect ions^ and 
made the returns. These four officers ^ the secretary, sur- 
veyor-general, muster master-general » and sheriff — ^ were 
paid by fees, the amount of which was determined by the 
assembly, which thus exercised some control over them ; but 
the governor received a salary from the lord proprietor^ and 
was to that extent independent of the legislature. 

Of courts there was one in each county, but besides this 
a considerable number of manors were created, and each 

manor had its court baron and court leet for the 

The courts . r i i i • ^ ,i • -i 

transaction ot local busmess. Small civil cases 
inv^olving less than the worth of 1200 pounds of tobacco, 
and criminal cases not involving the death penalty, were 
tried in the county courts. Above these was the provincial 
court, which dealt with common law, chancery, or admiralty, 
as the case might be. The judges of this court were all 
members of the council, to which the secretary and other 
chief executive officers belonged, while the governor presided 

1 For an account of the Maryland constitution, see Sparks, ** Causes 
of the Maryland Revolution of iG^c^^ Jo^t^is Hopkins University Stud- 
ies, vol. xiv. 


alike over the provincial court and over the council. Appeals 
could be taken from the provincial court to the council sit- 
ting as the upper house in the assembly, after the analogy 
of the appellate jurisdiction of the House of Lords ; but this 
virtually meant that a case once decided could be tried over 
again by the same judges with a few colleagues added. 

The assembly, at the mention of which we have thus 
arrived, was the principal point of difference between the 
palatinate of Maryland and that of Durham. The ^^^ 
governor of Maryland, like the bishop of Durham, primary 
had his council, consisting solely, as the other con- ^*^^™ ^ 
sisted chiefly, of high officials ; but in Maryland there was 
popular representation, while in Durham there was not. At 
first, however, the popular house was not a representative 
but a primary assembly, and its sittings were not separate 
from those of the council. In the first assembly, which met 
at St. Mary's in February, 1635, all the freemen, or all who 
chose to come, were gathered in the same room with Leon- 
ard Calvert and his council. They drew up a body of laws 
and sent it to England for the lord proprietor's assent, which 
was refused. The ground of the refusal was far more than 
the mere technicality which on a hasty glance it might seem 
to be. Cecilius refused because the charter gave the lord 
proprietor the power of making laws with the assent of the 
freemen, but did not give such power to the freemen with 
the assent of the lord proprietor. In other words, initiativein 
the initiative in legislation must always come from legislation 
above, not from below. Obviously there could be no higher 
authority than Cecilius as to what the charter really intended. 
But the assembly of Maryland insisted upon the right of 
initiating legislation, and Cecilius was wise enough to yield 
the point gracefully. He consented, in view of the length 
of time required for crossing the ocean, that laws enacted by 
the assembly should at once become operative and so remain 
unless vetoed by him. But he reserved to himself the right 
of veto without limitation in time. In other words, he could 
at any time annul a law, and this prerogative was one that 
might become dangerous. 



In 1638 the primary assembly was abandanec] as cum- 
brous- For puriMJses of the military' levy the province was 
divided into hundreds, and each hundred sent a 
•ent^iti^f representative to the assembly at St. Mary*s- At 
****"^ * a later date the county came to l:>e the basis of 
representation, as in Virginia, l^^or some time the represent- 
atives sat with the council, as at first in Massachusetts and 
Virginia; but in 1650 the representatives began to sit as a 
lower house, while the council formed an upper house. As 
there was a tendency, which went on increasing* for the 
highest offices to be filled by Calverts and their kinsmen, the 
conditions were soon at hartd tor an interesting constitutional 
St niggle between the two houses. It was to be seen whether 
the government was to be administered for the Calverts or 
for the people, and to tlie story of this struggle we shall 
presently come. 

As a result of our snn^y it appears that Lord Baltimore 
occupied a far more independent jxisition than any bishop of 
Jitjfal Durham, Not only was he exempt from imperial 

ruTriuui' taxation, but in case of a controversy between him* 
more ^^11 '^x\d his subjects no appeal could be taken tu 

anv British court. His power seemed to approach more 
nearly to despotism than that of any king of England, save 
perhaps Henry VIII. The one qualifying feature was the 
representative assembly, the effects of which time was to 
show in unsusj')ected ways. From various circumstances 
mentioned in the course of the present chapter there resulted 
a strange scries of adventures, which will next claim our 



We have already had occasion to observe that, while from 
the outset Lord Baltimore's enterprise found many enemies 
ill England, it was at the same time regarded with wiiiiam 
no friendly feelings in Virginia. We have seen the amil^s"^ 
Virginians sending to London their secretary of projects 
state, William Claiborne, to obstruct and thwart the Calverts 
in their attempt to obtain a grant of territory in America. 
For Claiborne there were interests of his own involved, 
besides those of the col- 
ony which he repre- 
sented. This William 
Claiborne, younger son 
of an ancient and hon- 
ourable* family in W^est- 
moreland, had come to 
Virginia in 1621 and 
prosjDcred greatly, ac- 
quiring large estates and 
winning the respect and 
confidence of his fellow 
planters. By 1627 he 
had begun to engage in 
trade with the natives 
along the shores of 
Chesapeake Bay and the 
Potomac and Susque- 
hanna rivers. Such traffic, if well managed, was lucrative, 
since with steel knives and hatchets, or with ribbons and 




bead.s, one could buy furs which would fetch high prices in 
England, To the enterprising Claiborne it seemed worth 
while ta extend this trade far to the north. His speculative 
vision took in the Delaware and Hudson rivers and e\nen 

included New England 
and Nova Scotia. So he 
entered into an arrange- 
ment with a firm of Lon- 
don merchants, Clobery 
& Company, to supply 
them with furs and other 
such eligible commodities 
as might be obtained from 
the Indians, and in 163 1 
he obtained a royal license 
for trading in any and all 
parts of North America 
not already preempted by 
Tnonopolies. This was 
done while he was in 
London opposing Lord 
Baltimore. The place 
m o St p r om i n e n 1 1 y m e n - 
tioiied in the license was 
Nova Scotia, and it was 
obtained under the seal of Scotland, from the Secretary of 
State for Scotland, Sir William Alexander, to whom Nova 
Scotia had some time before been granted. On returning 
to Virginia, where Sir John Harvey had lately superseded 
the convivial Dr. Pott as governor, Claiborne obtained a 
further license to trade with any of the English colonies and 
witli the Dutch on Henry Hudson's river. 

Armed with these powers, Claiborne proceeded to make a 
Kent Is- settlement u])on an island which he had already, 
pi"!i by"^" before his visit to London, selected for a trading 
chiiborne pQj^t. It was Kent Island, far up in Chesapeake 
Bay, almost as far north as the mouth of the Patapsco River. 




Here dwellings were built, and mills for grinding corn, while 
gardens were laid out, and orchards planted, and farms were 
stocked with cattle.^ A clergyman was duly appointed, to 
minister to the spiritual needs of the little settlement, and 
in the next year, 1632, it was represented in the House of 
Burgesses by Captain Nicholas Martian, a patentee of the 
land where Yorktown now stands. 

When in that same year the news of the charter granted 
to Lord Baltimore arrived in Virginia, it was greeted with 
indignation. No doubt there was plenty of elbows-room be- 
tween the old colony and the land assigned to the new- 
comers, but the example of Claiborne shows what far-reach- 
ing plans could be cherished down on James River, conflicting 
The Virginians had received a princely territory, s^'an^"* 
and did not like to see it arbitrarily curtailed. There was 
no telling where that sort of thing might end. According 
to the charter of 1609, Virginia extended 200 miles north- 
ward from Old Point Comfort,^ or about as far north as the 
site of Chester in Pennsylvania ; which would have left no 
room for Maryland or Delaware. That charter had indeed 
been annulled in 1624, but both James L and Charles L had 
expressly declared that the annulling of the charter simply 
abolished the sovereignty that had been accorded to the 
Virginia Company, and did not infringe or diminish the ter- 
ritorial rights of the colony. Undoubtedly the grant to the 
Calverts was one of the numerous instances in early Amer- 
ican history in which the Stuart kings gave away the same 
thing to different parties. Or perhaps we might better say 
that they made grants without duly heeding how one might 
overlap and encroach upon another. This was partly the 
result of carelessness, partly of ignorance and haziness of 
mind ; flagrant examples of it were the grants to Robert 
Gorges in Massachusetts and to Samuel Gorton in Rhode 
Lsland. No serious harm has come of this recklessness, but 

^ See Latand, ** Early Relations between Maryland and Virginia," 
Johns Hopkins University Studies^ vol. xiii. 
2 See above, p. 144. 



it was the cause of much bickering in the early days, echoes 
of which may still be heard in silly pouts and sneers between 
the grown-up children of divers neighbour states. As regards 
the grant to Lord Baltimore, a protest from X^irginia was not 
only natural but as inevitable as sunrise. It was discussed 
in the Star Chamber in July, 1633, and the decision was not 
to disturb Lord Baltimore's charter; the Virgiuians mighty 
if they liked, bring suit against him in the ordinary course of 
law. From this decision came many heart-burnings betw^^en 
Leah and her younger sister Rachel, as a quaint old pam* ^ 
phleteer calls Virginia and Maryland.* " 

Viewed in the light of all the circumstances, it is difficult 
to avoid seeing in Claiborne's occupation of Kent Island a 
stmtegic move Considered as such* it was bold and not 
ill-judged. With his far-rearching schemes the Susquehanna 
Kiver was a highway which would enable him to comi^tMe 
with the Dutch for the northwestern fur trade. By cstal>- 
lisbitig himself on Kent Island he might command the ap^ 
proach to that highway. The maxim that actual p*jssession 
is nine points in the law was in his favour. If the Star 
Chamber had decided to u|>hold Virginia's wholesale claim 
to the territory granted her in 1609, Claiborne would have 
Claiborne's bccn mastcr of the situation. Even with the deci- 
resistance gj^j^ ^^ rendered, his own case was far from hope- 
less. In the autumn of 1633 he petitioned the king to 
protect his interests and those of Virginia in Kent Island. 
He contended that Baltimore's charter gave jurisdiction only 
over territory unsettled and unimproved, — liactcjius inailta, 
— whereas Kent Island had been settled as a part of Vir- 
ginia and heavy expenses incurred there before that charter 
had been issued. In sending this petition it was hoped that 
by resolutely keeping hold upon the strategic point it might 
be possible to make Lord Baltimore reconsider his plans and 
take his settlers to some other region than the shores of 
Chesapeake Bay. But this hope was dashed in February, 

1 Hammond, Leah and Rachel^ or. The Two Fruitfull Sisters^ Vir- 
ginia ami Maryland, 1656. 

:.!.-H and \ACBEL, 


th: Two FruitfuU Sifters 





ihcir Prelent Condition, in- 

I pariwUy Itated and related. 


I A Rtmovall offuch Imfutationr as dre fijnajleuTt 
caji on ihofe , n/v;/ . »•.•..•••> ./...•/- J 
ii/«//, cboj'c iMwr tj Ffl^^Su:i:\ rot in Tnion^ 
1 Mdcomeiofifamtfhildcxbs, tinnrobeittT their be$m 1 

ty going tbitber , wberem is plenty ti all tbhiu 
ntaffjrj far Humjiufhbj':'u-:':c. 

By fohn Hammond. 

'ffhiidFtnlii,eh(mePh and Aj-^tr whcnmth, thy IhaiiAt MmntU 

Jkam 4 their PMreuts. 

^ *— '■ ■ ■ I ■ i; 

Printed by T. Mdhby and are 

to be fold by Nich.Bowm^ acccfbr&gyaU- 

Exchange, i 6 j 6. v . '^^ 

_ __ . _ .. ■ .^ «j"^ * . -«n 



1654, when Leonard Calvert with the first party of set- 
, ^ o ,*. tiers arrived in those waters. Claiborne's petition 
uiorc'a in- had not yet been answered^ but Lord Baltimore's 
fi mc ion* instructions to his brother were conceived in a 
conciliatory spirit. Leonard was to see Claiborne and offer 
him all the aid in his power toward building up the new 
settlement on Kent Island, at the same time reminding him 
that the place was in Baltimore's territory and not a part 
of Virginia, In other words, Claiborne was welcome to the 
property, only he must hold it as a tenant of the lord pro- 
prietor of Maryland, not as a tenant of the king in Virginia. 
While the Ark and the Dove were halting at anchor off 
Old Point Comfort, and while Leonard Calvert was ashore 
^-j^^ exchanging courtesies with Governor Hars^ey, he 

Virginia communicated this message to Claiborne. At the 
»iipfK>m next meeting of the council, Claiborne asked his 
L'4iiMjriie fellDw-councillors what he should do in the matter. 
In reply they wondered that he should ask such a question. 
Was not the case perfectly clear? Was there any reason 
why they should surrender Kent Island, more than any other 
part of Virginia? No, they would keep it until hisMajesty*s 
pleasure should be known, and meanwhile they would treat 
the Maryland company civilly and expected to be so treated 
by them. Behind this answer there was much bad feeling. 
Not only were the Virginians angry at the curtailment of 
their domains, not only were they alarmed as well as angry 
at the arrival of Papists in their neighbourhood, but they 
were greatly disgusted because Lord Baltimore's charter 
gave him far more extensive trading privileges than they 
possessed. Calvert's message to Claiborne had signified 
that before trading any further in the upper parts of Chesa- 
peake Bay he nnist obtain a license from Maryland. As- 
sured now of support from Virginia, Claiborne returned an 
answer in which he refused in any way to admit Lord Balti- 
more's sovereignty. 

Leonard's instructions had been in case of such a refusal 
not to molest Claiborne for at least a year. But soon com- 


plications arose. The settlers at St. Mary's observed indi- 
cations of distrust or hostility on the part of a ,, 

•11 ^ f^ Complica- 

neighbourmg Algonquin tribe, known as the Pa- tionswith 
tuxents; so they appealed to one Captain Henry 
Fleete, who understood the Algonquin language, to learn 
what was the matter. This Captain Fleete wished to sup- 
plant Claiborne in the fur trade and may have welcomed a 
chance of discrediting him with the Marylanders. At all 
events, he reported that the Indians had been told that the 
Marylanders were not Englishmen but Spaniards, and for 
this calumny, which might have led to the massacre of the 
new-comers, he undertook to throw the blame upon Clai- 
borne. In the substance of this story there is a strong 
appearance of truth. On the Virginia coast in those days 
common parlance was not nice as to discriminating between 
Papists of any kind and Spaniards, and one can easily see 
how from ordinary gossip the Indians may have got their 
notion. There is no reason for casting atrocious imputa- 
tions upon Claiborne, who was examined in June, 1634, by 
a joint commission of Virginians and Marylanders, and com- 
pletely exonerated. But before the news of this verdict 
reached London, the charge that Claiborne was intriguing 
with the Indians had been carried to Lord Baltimore and 
evidently alarmed him. Convinced that forbearance had 
ceased to be a virtue, he sent word to his brother to seize 
Kent Island, arrest Claiborne, and hold him prisoner until 
further instructions. 

This was in September, 1634. News of the message 
came to the ears of Claiborne's London partners, Clobery & 
Company, and they petitioned the king for protection in the 
possession of their island. Charles accordingly instructed 
Lord Baltimore not to molest Claiborne and his people, and 
he sent a letter to the crovernor and council of Vir- „ . , 

^ Reprisals 

ginia, in which he declared that the true intention and skir- 
of the charter which he had granted to Baltimore 
would not justify that nobleman in any interference with 
Kent Island and its settlers. So the winter wore away 



without incident, but early in April, 1635, one of Claiborne's 
ships, commanded by one Thomas Smith, was seized in the 
Patuxent River by Captain Fleet e ; she was condemned for 
trading without a license, and was confiscated and sold with 
all her cargo. Claiborne then sent out an armed sloop, the 
Cockatrice, to make reprisals uj^on Maryland shipping ; but 
Calvert was wide awake and sent Cornwallis with a stronger 
force of two arm^^d pinnaces, which overtook the Cockatrice 
in Pocomoke River and captured her after a brisk skirmish 
in which half a dozen men were killed and more wounded. 
That was on April 23, and on May 10 there was another 
fight in the harbour of Great Wighcocomoco, at the mouth 
of the Pocomoke, in which Thomas Smith commanded for 
Claiborne and defeated the Marylaiiders with more blood- 

In the midst of these unseemly quarrels the kingdom of 
Virginia witnessed something like a revolution. We have 
already had occasion to mention Sir John Han'ey, the gov- 
ernor who came in March, 1630, after the brief administra- 
tion of that versatile practitioner, Dr John Pott. Har\*ey 
was not long in getting into trouble. It was noticed 
pbints at first that his manners were intolerably rude. He 
ffovernor struttcd about Jumcstown as if he were on a quar- 
Harvey ^^^ dcck, and treated the august members of the 
council with as little ceremony as if they had been boot- 
blacks. (3n his own confession he once assaulted a councillor 
and knocked out some of his teeth ** with a cudgel."^ But it 
presently appeared that arrogance was not his worst fault. 
He was too fond of money, and not particular as to how it 
came to him. He had a right to make grants of land to set- 
tlers for a consideration to be paid into the public treasury ; 
it was charged against him that part of the consideration 
found its way into his own pockets. Nor was this all, for it 
happened, after the fashion of his royal master, that some of 
the lands which he granted were already private property. 
Besides this, he seems to have undertaken to draw up laws 
^ Neill, l^rj^in/a Caro/on/m^ p. 126. 








and proclaim them of his own authority without submitting 
them to the assembly ; he refused to render an account of 
the ways in which he spent the public money ; he had exces- 
sive fees charged, multiplied the number of fines beyond all 
reason, and took the proceeds or a part of them for his pri- 
vate use and behoof. In short, he seems to have been a 
second and more vulgar Argall. 

Five years of this sort of thing had driven the men of 
Virginia to the last pitch of desperation, when the Claiborne 
imbroglio brought on a crisis. In obedience to the king's 
instructions, Harvey showed such favour as he could to the 
Maryland settlers, and thus made himself the more fiercely 
hated in Virginia. The Kent Island question was one that 
bred dissension in families, separated bosom friends, Rage of 
and sowed seeds of distrust and suspicion far and ]^gafn"{*"* 
wide. To speak well of Maryland was accounted Maryland 
little less than a crime. "Sell cattle to Maryland!" ex- 
claimed the wrathful planters, "better knock them on the 
head ! ** From pious people this near approach of the Scar- 
let Woman drew forth strong words. We are told that one 
day Captain Samuel Mathews, that brave gentleman and 
decorous Puritan, on reading a letter from England, dashed 
his hat upon the ground and stamped in fury, shouting, 
" A pox upon Maryland ! '* ^ 

In such a state of things we can imagine what a storm 
was raised when Governor Harvey removed from office the 
able and popular secretary of state, William Claiborne, and 
appointed one Richard Kemp in his place. One lively gleam 
of vituperation lights up the grave pages of the colonial 
records, when Rev. Anthony Panton called Mr. An angry 
Kemp a "jackanapes," and told him that he was parson 
"unfit for the place of secretary," and that "his hair-lock 
was tied up with ribbon as old as St. Paul's." We shall here- 
after see how the outraged secretary nursed his wrath ; what 
he might have done in its freshness was prevented by a 
sudden revolution. The assembly drew up a protest against 
* Maryland Archives — Council Proceedings, i. 29. 


the king s attempts at monopolizing the tobacco trade, and J 
Harvey refused to transmit the protest to England. About 
the same time the news arrived of the seizing of Claiborne's 
ship in Maryland waters. On the petition of many of the 
people, a nieeting of the assembly was called for May 7. to 
receive complaints against Sir John Harvey.* In the mean 
time, on April 27, an indignation meeting was held at the 
house of WiUiam Warren, in York, where the principal 
^, speakers were Nicholas Martian, formerly member 

iftg atWar- of the Housc of Burgesses for Kent Island, Francis 
Pott, the doctors brother, and William English, 
fiheriff of York County. The house where this meeting w^as 
held in 1635 seems to have stood on or near the site of the 
house afterward owned by Augustine Moore, where in 1781 
the surrender of Lord CornwalHs was arranged; and by a 
curious coincidence the speaker Nicholas Martian was a di* 
rect ancestor both of George Washington, who commanded 
the army of the Qnited States, and of Thomas Nelson, who 
commanded the forces of Virginia, on that memorable occa- 

Next morning Martian, Pott, and English were arrested, 
and when they asked the reason why, Governor Harvey 
politely told them that they "should know at the gallows." 
When the council met, the wrathful governor strode up and 
down the room, demanding that the prisoners be instantly 
Scene in P^^^ ^^ death by martial law, but the council insisted 
the council that uo harm should come to them without a regu- 
lar trial. Then Harvey with a baleful frown put the ques- 

^ Hening's Statutes at Lar<^t\ i. 223. 

2 '* Memories of Yorktown," address by Lyon Gardiner Tyler, Presi- 
dent of William and Mary College, Richfnond Times, Nov. 25, 1894. 
The original letter of Captain Mathews and the declaration of Sir John 
Harvey concerning the "mutiny of 1635" ^re printed in the Virginia 
Ma^^azine of History and Biography^ i. 416-430. In my brief account 
I have tried to reconcile some apparent inconsistencies in the various 
statements with regard to time. Some accounts seem to extend over 
three or four days the events which more probably occurred on the 
27th and 28th. The point is of no importance. 


tion after the manner of Richard IIL, "What do they de- 
ser\'e that have gone about to dissuade the people from their 
obedience to his Majesty's substitute ? " A young member, 
George Menefie, replied with adroit sarcasm that he was too 
young a lawyer to be ready with "a suddain opinion " upon 
such a question. Turning savagely upon him, Sir John asked 
what all the fuss was about. " Because of the detaining of 
the assembly's protest," said Menefie. Then the governor 
struck Menefie heavily upon the shoulder and exclaimed, ** I 
arrest you on suspicion of treason," whereupon Captain John 
Utie, roughly seizing the governor, answered, " And we the 
like to you, sir ! " Samuel Mathews threw his arms about 
Harv-ey and forced him down into a chair, while that con- 
noisseur in beverages. Dr. Pott, waved his hand at the 
window, and in the twinkling of an eye the house was sur- 
rounded by armed men. Mathews then told the helpless 
governor that he must go to London to answer charges that 
would be brought against him. In vain did Har\'ey argue 
and storm. The sequel may best be told in the words of the 
terse and bleak entry in the colonial records : " On the 28th 
of April, 1635, Sir John Harvey thrust out of his uj^rvev 
government ; and Capt. John West acts as governor deposed 
till the king's pleasure known." When the assembly met on 
May 7, these proceedings of the council were approved, and 
commissioners were appointed to go to London and lay their 
complaints before the king. The indignant Har\''ey went by 
the same ship, in the custody of his quondam prisoner, 
Francis Pott, whom he had been so anxious to hang without 

Such were the incidents of the ever memorable " thrust- 
ing out of Sir John Harvey," the first revolutionary scene 
that was acted in English America. When King Charles 
heard the story he did not feel quite so much fondness for 
his trusty and well-beloved burgesses as when he had been 
seeking commercial favours from them. He would not re- 
ceive their commissioners or hear a word on their side of the 
case, and he swore that Sir John Harvey should straightway 


go back to Virginia as governor^ even were it only for one" 
Harvey'* day. But when it came to acting, Charles was not 
***"™ quite so bold as his words. Harvey did not return 

until nearly two years had elapsed,^ Then it w^as the turn 
of the rebellious councillors — Utie^ Mathews, West, Menefic, 
and Dr. Pott — to go to London and defend themselves^ 
whiJe Harvey wreaked mean-spirited vengeances on his en<j« 
mies. The day of reckoning had come for Anthony Pan- 
ton, the minister who had called Mn Secretary Kemp a 
*' jackanapes/' and hadi moreover, as it seemed, spoken 
irreverently of Archbishop Laud. Fan ton's conduct was 
judged to be ** mutinous, rebellious, and riotous,'* ^ his estate 
was confiscated, and he was banished. A shameful clause 
was inserted in the sentence, declaring him outlawed if he 
should venture to return to V'irginia, and authorbJng any- 
body to kill him at sight ; but Harvey afterward tried to 
disown this clause, saying that it had been wickedly inter* 
polated by the vindictive Kt;mp. 

' But Harvey's new lease of pow*er was brief. Enemies to 
the throne were getting too numerous for comfort » and we 
may w^ell believe that Charles, having once vindicated his 
royal dignity in the matter, was quite ready to yield. The 
statements of the councillors under examination in London 
no doubt had weight, for no proceedings were taken against 

Harve's ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ '^39 ^^^ ^^^g rcmovcd Harvey, and 
fall and scut the exxcllent Sir Francis Wyatt once more to 
govern Virginia. Harvey's numerous victims forth- 
with overwhelmed him with law-suits, his ill-gotten wealth 
was quickly disgorged, his -estates were sold to indemnify 
Panton and others, and the fallen tyrant, bankrupt and 
friendless, soon sank into the grave, — such an instance of 
poetic justice as is seldom realized. 

It was in December, 1637, during Harvey's second admin- 
istration, that the Kent Island troubles were renewed. 
After Claiborne's victorious fight at Great Wighcocomoco, 

^ The interval was from April 28, 1635, to January iS, 1637. 
2 Neil), Viri^inhi Caroloruni, p. 143. 


in May, 1635, he retained undisturbed possession of the 
island, but a quarrel was now brewing between himself and 
his London partners, Clobery & Company. They were dis- 
satisfied because furs did not come in quantities „ ,. 

* Evelin sent 

sufficient to repay their advances to Claiborne. The to Kent 
disputes with the Marylanders had sadly damaged 
the business, and the partners sent over George F^velin to 
look after their interests, and armed him with power of attor- 
ney. They requested Claiborne to turn over to him the 
island, with everything on it, and to come to London and 
settle accounts. Claiborne tried to get a bond from Evelin 
not to surrender the island to Calvert, but that agent refused 
to give any assurances, except to express in strong language 
his belief that Calvert had no just claim to it. Nothing was 
left for Claiborne but to leave Kvelin in possession. He did 
so under protest, and in May, 1637, sailed for England, 
where Clobery & Company immediately brought suit against 
him. Evelin then went to Virginia and attached all of 
Claiborne's property that he could find. Presently, whether 
from policy or from conviction, he changed his views as to 
the ownership of Kent Island and invited Leonard Calvert 
to come and take it. After some hesitation, in December, 
1637, Calvert occupied the premises with forty or fifty 
armed men and appointed Evelin commandant of the island. 
Forthwith so many people were arrested for debts 
owed to Clobery & Company that an insurrec- land seized 
tion ensued, and in February, 1638, Calvert had ^ 
to come over again and enforce his authority. Among his 
prisoners taken in December was Thomas Smith, the victor 
in the fight at (}reat Wighcocomoco, who was now tried 
for piracy and hanged, while the Maryland assembly passed 
a bill of attainder against Claiborne, and all his accessible 
property was seized for the benefit of Lord Baltimore's trea- 

Soon afterward the final and crushing blow was dealt in 
London. A Board of Commissioners for the Plantations 
had lately been created there, a germ that in later years was 


to develop into the well-known body commonly called the 
Lords of Trade. To this board the dispute ov^er Kent 
Decifiioa Island had been referred, and the decision was ren- 
Aefi^r dered in April, 163S. In the decision the claims of 
uiiborae Virginia were ignored, and the matter was treated 
like a personal dispute between Claiborne and Lord Balti- 
more. The latter had a grant of sovereignt)^ under the seal 
of England, the former had merely a trading license under 
the seal of Scotland, and this could not be pleaded in bar of 
the greater claim, Kent Island was thus adjadged to Lord 
Baltimore. Crestfallen but not yet conquered, the sturdy 
Claiborne returned to Virginia to await the turn of Fortune's 

In curious ways the march of events was tending in Clai- 
borne's favour* At first sight there is no obvious connection 
between questions of religion and the ownership of a small 
wooded island, but it would be difficult to name any kind of 
quarrel to which the Evil One has not contrived to give a 
FuriUkn^in religious Colouring. By the year 1638 the popula- 
Virginia ^Iq^ gf Virginia had come to contain more than 
looo Puritans, or about seven per cent of the whole. They ^ 
had begun coming to Virginia in 1611 with Sir Thomas^ 
Dale, whose friend, the Rev. Alexander Whitaker, the 
famous " Apostle of Virginia," was a staunch Puritan, son 
of an eminent Puritan divine who was Master of St. John's 
College, Cambridge. The general reader, who thinks of 
Whitaker correctly as a minister of the Church of England, 
must not forget that in 161 1 the Puritans had not separated 
from the Established Church, but were striving to reform 
it from within. As yet there were few Separatists, save 
the Pilgrims who had fled to Holland three years before. 
The first considerable separation of Puritans occurred when 
the colony of Massachusetts Bay was founded in 1629. The 
great gulf between Puritans and Churchmen was dug by 
the Civil War, and the earliest date when it becomes strictly 
proper to speak of ** Dissenters " is 1662, when the first 
parliament of Charles II. passed the Act of Uniformity. In 



the earliest days of Virginia, Puritan Churchmen were com- 
mon there. When in 1617 the good Whitaker was drowned 
in James River, he was succeeded by George Keith, who 
was also a Puritan.^ Under the administration of Sandys 
and Southampton many came. Their chief settlements were 


: • , . ^ ' 

c^ - -, ^^V^ 


piiTf ■ 



south of James River, at first in Isle of Wight County and 
afterwards in Nansemond. Among their principal leaders 
were Richard Bennett, son of a wealthy London merchant 
and afterwards governor of Virginia, and Daniel Gookin, 
noted for his bravery in the Indian massacre of 1622. 

An act of the assembly in 163 1 prescribed " that there be 
a uniformity throughout this colony both in substance and 

1 In the famous picture of the baptism of Pocahontas, in the rotunda 
of the Capitol at Washington, Whitaker, as an Episcopal clergyman, 
is depicted as clothed in a surplice. A letter of Whitaker's, of June, 
1 61 4, tells us that no surplices were used in Virginia ; see Purchas His 
Pilgrimes^ iv. 1771. Surplices be^an to be used there about 1724 (see 
Hugh Jones, Present State of Virginia^ 1724, p. 69), and did not come 
into general use till the nineteenth century (Latand, Early Relations, 
etc. p. 64). 


Act of 

Ity, 1631 

circumstances to the canons and constitution of the Church 
of England/* This legislation probably reveals the 
hand of William Laud, who had three years before 
become bishop of London ; and it may be taken 
to indicate that a large majority of Wginiaiis had come to 
disapprove of Puritanism, Probably the act was not vigor- 
ously enforced, for Governor Harvey seems to have looked 
with favour upon Puritans, but it may have caused some of 
their pastors to quit the colony. In 1641 an appeal for 
more ministers was sent to Boston, and in response three 
clergymen — William Thompson of Hraintree» John Xnowles 
Puritan <->f Watertown, and Thomas James of New Haven 
^Q«*Nrw — ^^iled from Narragansett Bay in December, 
EDgbnd J 5^2, Their little ship was wrecked at Hell Gate 
and their welcome from the Dutch at Manhattan was but 
surly ; nevertheless they were able to procure a new ship^ 
and so, after a wintry voyage of eleven weeks, arrived in 
James River** They brought excellent letters of recommen- 
dation from GovetTior Winthrop to the governor of Virginia, 
but might as well have thrown them into the fire, for the 
new governor of Virginia, w4\o arrived in 1642, was the 
famous Sir Will in m Berkeley, a Cavalier of Cavaliers, a firm 
believer in the methods of Strafford and Laud, an implacable 
foe of Puritanism and all its advocates. At the next meet- 
ing of the assembly, in March, 1643, the following act was 
passed : " For the preservation of the purity of doctrine and 
New Act unity of the Church, it is enacted that all ministers 
fj!rmi"y whatsoevcr, which shall reside in the colony, are to 
»643 be conformed to the orders and constitution of the 

Church of England, and not otherwise to be admitted to 
teach or preach publicly or privately, and that the Governor 
and Council do take care that all non-conformists, upon no- 
tice of them, shall be compelled to depart the colony with 
all convenience." 2 


1 Randall, " A Puritan Colony in Maryland," Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity Studies^ iv. 

- Hening's Statutes at Large^ i. 277. 

? b ■ 1 X -^ - 

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^ , ^ ^ „ ^ _ - ^. .. .-£ c « « ;e ■ a *i -( ^ 2 ' ^ ■£ ^ e ^ rv 














Armed with this fulmination, Berkeley was not long in 
getting rid of the parsons whom Winthrop had commended 
to his hospitality. Knowles and James went in April, 
after some weeks of incessant and successful ^ ,. 


pr iachmg, but Thomj)son, ** a man of tall and of the min- 
comely presence " as we are told, stayed through 
the summer and made many converts, among them the way- 
ward son of Daniel Gookin, a junior Daniel whose conver- 
sion was from worldliness 
or j)erhaps devilry rather 
than from prelacy. This 
brand snatched from the 
burning by Thompson went to Massachusetts, where for 
many years he was superintendent of Indian afthirs and won 
fame by his character and writings. Thompson's work in 
Vi -ginia is thus commemorated by Cotton Mather : — 

" A constellation of great converts there 
Shone round him, and his heavenly glory were. 
Gookin was one of them ; by Thompson's pains 
Christ and New England a dear Gookin gains." 

The expulsion of the Boston ministers was the beginning 
of a systematic harassing of the Puritans in Virginia. It 
was strangely affected by the massacre perpetrated by the 
Indians in the spring of 1644.^ We seem carried , ^. 

* ^ ^^ Indian 

back to the times of John Smith when we encoun- nu>sacrc 
ter once more the grim figure of Opekankano alive " ^ '■*** 
and on the war-path. We have no need, however, with some 
thoughtless writers, to call him a hundred years old. It was 
only thirty-six years since Smith's caj)ture by the Indians, 
although so much history had been made that the interval 
seems much longer. Though a wrinkled and grizzled war- 
rior, Opekankano need not have been more than si.xty or 
seventy when he wreaked upon the white men his second 

^ Hildrcth (///.\/. of the U. S. i. 340) says that the Indians *'werc 
encouraged by signs of discord among the English, having seen a fight 
in James River between a London ship for the Parliament and a Bristol 
ship for the king." 


massacre, on the eve of Good P>iday, 1644- The victTmi 
numbered about 300, but the Indians were quickly put downl 
by Berkeley, and a new treaty confined them to the north' 
of York River ; any Indian venturing across that boundary, 
except as an envoy duly marked with a badge, was liable to 
be shot at sight. Opekankano was taken captive and carried 
on a litter to Jamestown^ whence Berkeley intended to send 
him to London as a trophy and spectacle, but before sailing 
time the old chief was ignobly murdered by one of his guards. 
It was the end of the Powhatan confederacy. fl 

Some worthy people interpreted this massacre as a judg- 
ment of Heaven upon the kingdom of Mrginia for the sin of 
harbouring Puritans ; rather a tardy judgment, one would 
^ „ say, cominj^ a year after the persecution of such 

Conflicting -* o J r 

vkws of heretics had begun in earnest. In Governor Win- 

throp s opinion,^ on the contrary, the sin whichfl 
received such gruesome punishment was the expulsion of 
the Boston ministers, with other acts of persecution that 
followed. Rev. Thomas Harrison, the bigoted Berkeley's 
liigoted chaplain I saw the finger of God in the massacre, 
^repented of his own share in the work of persecution, and ^ 
upbraided the governor, who forthwith dismissed him. Then 
Harrison turned Puritan and went to preaching at Nanse- 
mond, in flat defiance of Berkeley, who ordered and threat- 
ened and swore till he was out of breath, when suddenly 
business called him over to Pjigland. 

It was the year of Marston Moor, an inauspicious year 
for Cavaliers, but a hopeful time for that patient waiter, Wil- 
liam Claiborne. The governor of Maryland, as well as the 
governor of Virginia, had gone to England on business, 
and while the cats were away the mice did play. The 
Invasion of ^""^o Ordered that any Parliament ships that might 
Maryland \^q tarryinsf in Maryland waters should forthwith 

bv Clai- . r . 

borne and bc scizcd. Whcu this ordcr was received at St. 
"" Mary's, the deputy-governor, Giles Brent, felt 

bound to obey it, and as there seemed to be no ships acces- 
1 Winthrop's/^;///-;/^/, ii. 164. 

^"'V Ar,auf,l (f_,„f, H.ylti„,ore) 




sible that had been commissioned by Parliament, he seized 
the ship of one Richard Ingle, a tobacco trader who was 
known to be a Puritan and strongly suspected of being a 
pirate. This incident caused some excitement and afforded 
the watchful Claiborne his opportunity of revenge. He 
made visits to Kent Island and tried to dispel the doubts of 
the inhabitants by assuring them that he had a commission 
from the king.^ He may have meant by this some paper 
given him by Charles I. before the adverse decision of 1638 
and held as still valid by some private logic of his own. 
When Governor Calvert returned from P^ngland in the 
autumn of 1644 he learned that Claiborne was preparing to 
invade his dominions, along with Ingle, who had brought 
upon the scene another ship well manned and heavily armed. 
It was a curious alliance, inasmuch as Claiborne had pro- 
fessed to be acting with a royal commission, while Ingle now 
boasted of a commission from Parliament. But this trifling 
flaw in point of consistency did not make the alliance a weak 
one. It is not sure that the invasion was concerted between 
Claiborne and Ingle, though doubtless the former welcomed 
the aid of the Matter in reinstating himself in what he be- 
lieved to be his right. The invasion was completely suc- 
cessful. While Claiborne recovered Kent Island, Ingle 
captured St. Mary's, and Leonard Calvert was fain to take 
refuge in Virginia. During two years of anarchy Ingle and 
his men roamed about "impressing" corn and tobacco, 
cattle and household furniture, stuffing ships with plunder 
to be exported and turned into hard cash. The estates of 
Cornwallis were especially ill-treated, the Indian mission was 
broken up, and good P'ather White, loaded with irons, was 
sent to England on a trumped-up charge of treason, of 
which he was promptly acquitted. Long afterward this 
Claiborne-Ingle frolic was remembered in Maryland as the 
" plundering time." 

In 1645 Sir William Berkeley returned to Virginia, and 
from him the fugitive Calvert received effective aid and 
^ Browne's Maryland^ p. 60. 


sympathy, so that late in 1646 he was able to tni-ade his own 
Ex^Km territory with a force of Virginians and fugitive 
b^iTLd Marylanders. Claiborne and Ingle were soon ex- 
Jfifite pelled, and Leonard Calvert's authority was fully 

reestablished. Not long afterward, in June, 1647, this able 
governor dit;d For his brother Cecdius, Lord Baltimore, 
this was a trying time. He was a royalist at heart, with 
little sympathy for Puritans, but like many other Catholics 
he thought it wise to keep on good terms with Parliament, 
in the hope of securing more toleration than heretofore* 
Such a course between Char)^bdis and Scylla w^as attended 
, with perils. In 1648 Cecilius appointed to hi^ gov- 
Weill ill ernorship William Stone, a liberal-minded Protest- 
st*>ni? n ant and supporter of Parliament. Soon after the 
g^vernof j^jf^g*^ beheading, the young Charles IL, a fugi- 
tlve in the island of Jersey, hearing of Stones apimnt- 
mentj interpreted it as an act of disloyalty on Baltimore's 
part, and so in a fit of spite made out a grant handing over 
the palatinate of Maryland to Sir William Davenanti that 
poet^laiireate who was said to resemble Shakespeare until 
mvening vanity made him pretend to be Shakespeare's 
illeijttimate son. Sir William actually sel sail for America, 
but was overhauled in the Channel by a I^arliament cruiser 
and carried off to the Tower, where amid sore distress he 
found a generous protector in John Milton. It was not 
very long before Charles II. came to realize his mistake 
about Lord Baltimore. 

In Maryland the great event of the year 1649, ^vhich wit- 
nessed the death of Charles I., was the passage on April 21 
of the Act concerning Religion. This famous statute, com- 
, ,.. , monlv known as the "Toleration Act," was drawn 

The loler- ^ 

ation Act up by Cccilius himself, and passed the assembly 
^ "*' exactly as it came from him, without amendment. 
With regard to Cccilius, therefore, it may be held to show, 
if not the ideas which he actually entertained, at least those 
which he deemed it prudent to embody in legislation. It is 
not likely to have surpassed his ideals, but it may easily have 


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fallen somewhat short of them. The statute is so important 
that the pertinent sections of it deserve to be quoted at 
length : ^ — 

" That whatsoever person or persons within this Province 
and the Islands thereunto belonging, shall from henceforth 
blaspheme God, that is curse him, or deny our Saviour Jesus 
Christ to bee the sonne of God, or shall deny the holy 
Trinity, the ffathcr sonne and holy Ghost, or the Godhead of 
any of the said three persons of the Trinity, or the unity of 
the Godhead, or shall use or utter any reproachfuU speeches, 
words or language concerning the said Holy Trinity, or any 
of the said three persons thereof, shall be punished with 
death, and confiscation or forfeiture of all his or her lands 
and goods to the Lord Proprietary and his heires. 

" That whatsoever person or persons shall from henceforth 
use or utter any reproachfuU words, or speeches, concerning 
the blessed Virgin Mary, the mother of our Saviour, or the 
holy apostles, or Iwangelists, or any of them, shall in such 
case for the first offence forfeit to the said Lord Proprietary 
and his heires the sume of ffive pound sterling." — 

** That whatsoever person shall henceforth upon any occa- 
sion, declare, call, or denominate any person or persons 
whatsoever inhabiting, residing, traffiqueing, trading or com- 
merceing within this Province, or within any of the Ports, 
Harbors, Creeks or Havens to the same belonging, an here- 
tick, Scismatick, Idolator, Puritan, Independent, Prespiterian, 
popish priest, lesuit, lesuited papist, Lutheran, Calvenist, 
Anabaptist, Hrownist, Antinomian, Barronist, Roundhead, 
Sep'atist, or any other name or term in a reproachful manner 
relating to matter of Religion, shall for every such offence 
forfeit the sume of tenne shillings sterling. — 

" Whereas the inforcing of the conscience in matters of 
Religion hath frequently fallen out to be of dangerous con- 
sequence in those commonwealths where it hath been prac- 
tised, and for the more quiet and pcaceble government of 

* Proceedings and Acts of the General Assembly of Maryland, 1637- 
1664, pp. 244-246. 


this Province, and the better to preserve niutuall Love and 
amity amongst the Inhabitants thereof ; Be it therefore also 
by the Lord Proprietary with the advice and consent of this 
Assembly, ordered and enacted (except as in this present act 
is before declared and sett forth,) that noe person or persons 
whatsoever within this Province, or the Islands : Ports, Har- 
bors, Creeks or havens thereunto belonging, professing to 
believe in Jesus Christ, shall from henceforth bee any waies 
troubled, molested or discountenanced for or in respect to 
his or her religion," 

A statute which threatens Unitarians with death leaves 
something to be desired in the way of toleration, even though 
it fines a man ten shillings for calling his neighbour a Cal- 
vinist in a reproachful manner Nevertheless, for the age 
when it was enacted this statute was eminently liber^, and 
it certainly reflects great credit upon Lord Baltimore. To 
be ruler over a country wherein no person professing to 
believe in Jesus Christ should be molested in the name of 
religion was a worthy ambition, and one from which Balti- 
more's contemporaries in Massachusetts and elsewhere might 
have learned valuable lessons. Such a policy as was an- 
nounced in this memorable Toleration Act was not easy to 
realize in the seventeenth century. The very year in which 
it was enacted saw the grim wolf of intolerance thrusting his 
paw in at the door. 

As had happened before, the woes of the Virginia Leah 
brought woe upon the Maryland Rachel. When Governor 
Berkeley returned from England, he did more than swear at 
the defiant Chaplain Harrison and the other preachers of 
Puritanism south of James River. He banished the pastors 
and made life unendurable for the flocks. In 1648 two of 
the Nansemond elders, Richard Bennett and William Du- 
Mieiation raud, flcciug to Maryland, were kindly received by 
of Puritans Govcmor Stouc, who extended a most hospitable 

trom \ ir- ^ ^ * 

Rinia to invitation to their people to leave Virginia and set- 
tle in the Baltimore palatinate. Cecilius had com- 
plained that settlers did not come fast enough and his colony 




was still too weak, whereupon Stone had promised to do his 
best to bring in 500 new people. His opportunity had now 
come ; early in 1649 ^^ advance body of 300 Puritans came 
from Nansemond. The rest of their brethren hesitated, 
fearing lest Catholics 
might be no pleasanter 
neighbours than the 
king's men, but the 
course of events soon 
decided them. The 
news of the execution 
of Charles L was gen- 
erally greeted in Vir- 
ginia with indignation 
and horror, feelings 
which were greatly in- 
tensified by the arrival 
of the Cavaliers who in 
that year began to flock 

to Virginia. One ship in September brought 330 Cavaliers, 
and probably more than 1000 came in the course of the 
year. In October the assembly declared that the beheading 
of the king was an act of treason which nobody in Virginia 
must dare to speak in defence of under penalty of death. 
It also spoke of the fugitive Charles II. as ''his Majesty 
that now is," and made it treason to call his authority in 
question. These were the last straws upon the back of the 
Puritan camel, and in the course of the next few months the 
emigration from Nansemond went on till as many as 1000 
persons had gone over to Maryland. They settled upon 
land belonging to the Susquehannocks, near the mouth of a 
stream upon which they bestowed the name of the glorious 
English river that falls into the sea between Glamorgan 
and the Mendip Hills, and the county through which this 
new-found Severn flowed they called Providence from feel- 
ings like those which had led Roger Williams to give that 
comforting name to his settlement on Narragansett Bay. 


Presently this new Providence became a county bearing Lad 
Baltimores name, Anne Anindel, and the city which after- 
wards grew up in it was called Annapolis. This country 
had not been cleared for agriculture by the Indians^, like the 
region about St. Mar) *s, and there was some arduous pioneer 
work for the Puritan colony. 

In changing the settlement or plantation of Providence 
into the county of Anne Arundel, something more than a 
question of naming was involved. The affair was full of 
political significance. These Puritans at first entertained 
„ . , an idea that they mi^ht be allowed to form an im* 
the Purl, p^nnm in imfitrio^ maintaining a kmd of Greek 
autonomy on the banks of their Severn, instead of 
becoming an integral portion of Baltimore*^ palatinate. At 
firet they refused to elect representatives to the assembly at 
St* Mary's ; when presently they yielded to Governor Stone's 
urgency and sent two representatives in 1650* one of them 
was straightway chosen speaker of the H ouse ; nevertheless, 
in the next year the Puritans again held aloof. They be- 
lieved that the Puritan government in England would revoke 
Lord Baltimore's charter, and they wished to remain sepa- 
rated from his fortimes. Their willingness to settle within 
his territory was coupled with the belief that it would not 
much longer be his. 

This belief was not wholly without reason. The warships 
of the Commonwealth were about to appear in Chesapeake 
Bay. Such audacious proceedings as those of the Virginia 
Assembly could not be allowed to go unnoticed by Parlia- 
ment, and early in 1652 four commissioners were sent to 
receive the submission of Berkeley and his colony. One of 
these commissioners was Richard Bennett, the Puritan elder 
who had been driven from Nansemond. Another was the 
irrej:)ressil)le Claiborne, whom Berkeley had helped drive out 
of Maryland. The Virginians at first intended to defy the 
commissioners and resist the fleet, but after some parley 
leading to negotiations, they changed their minds. It was 
not prudent to try to stand up against Oliver Cromwell, and 



he, for his part, was no fanatic. Virginia must submit, but 
she might call it a voluntary submission. She submission 
might keep her assembly, by which alone could she ^o crom"** 
be taxed, all prohibitions upon her trade should be ^^^^ 
repealed, and her people might toast the late king in private 
as much as they pleased ; only no public stand against the 


Commonwealth would be tolerated. On these terms Vir- 
ginia submitted. Sir William Berkeley resigned the gov- 
ernorship, sold his brick house in Jamestown, and went out 
to his noble plantation at Green Spring near by, there to 
bide his time. T'or the next eight years things moved along 
peaceably under three successive Roundhead governors, all 
chosen by the House of Burgesses. The first was Richard 
Bennett, who was succeeded in March, 1655, by Edward 
Digges ; and after a year Digges was followed by that gal- 
lant Samuel Mathews who had once given such a bear's hug 
to the arrogant Sir John Harvey. As for Claiborne, he was 
restored to his old office of secretary of state. 

In Maryland there was more trouble. As soon as Clai- 
borne had disposed of the elder sister, Leah, he went to 
settle accounts with the youthful Rachel, who had so many 


wooers. There vms Episcopal Virginia, whose pretensiions 
CMttomt to the fair d^nsel were based on its old charter ; 
^^^ there was the Catholic lord proprietor, to whom 
Haryiaad. Charles L had solemnly betrothed her ; there were 
the Congregational brethren of Providence on the Severn, 
whose new pretensions made light of these earlier vows ; 
but the master of the situation was Claiborne, with his com- 
mission from Parliament and his heavily armed frigate. 
Mighty little cared he, says a contemporary writer, for reli- 
gion or for punctilios ; what he was after was that sweet and 
rich country, CIaiborne*s conduct, however, did not quite 
merit such a slur In this his hour of triumph he behaved 
without violence, nor do we find him again laying hands 
upon Kent Island On arriving with Bennett at St. Marj^ s, 
they demanded that Governor Stone and his council should 
sign a covenant " to be true and faithful to the Common- 
wealth of England as it is now established without King or 
House of Lords." To this demand no objection was made, 
but the further demand, that all writs and warrants should 
run no longer in Baltimore's name, but in the name of the 
Keepers of the Liberty of England, was obstinately refused. 
For this refusal Stone was removed from office^ a provisional 
government was established, and the commissioners sailed 
away. This was in April, 1652. After two months of medi- 
tation Stone sent word to Jamestown that he was willing to 
yield in the matter of the writs, whereupon Claiborne and 
Bennett promptly returned to St. Mary's and restored him 
to office. 

But those were shifting times. Within a year, in April, 
1653, Cromwell turned out of doors the Rump Parliament, 
otherwise called Keepers of the Liberty of England ; and ac- 
cordingly, as writs could no longer run in their name, Stone 
announced that he should issue them, as formerly, in the 
, , name of Lord Baltimore. He did this by order of 

Renewal of ' 

thctrou- Cecilius himself. Trouble arose at the same time 

between Stone and the Puritans of Providence, 

and the result of all this was the reappearance of Bennett 


(Jl/i(ka'7fL ftcTtf^ 


and Claiborne at St. Mary's, in July, 1654. Again they 
deposed Stone and placed the government in the hands of a 
council, with William Fuller as its president. Then they 
issued writs for the election of an assembly, and once more 
departed for Jamestown. Ac- 
cording to the tenor of these 
writs, no Roman Catholic 
could either be elected as a 
burgess or vote at the election ; in this way a house was ob- 
tained that was almost unanimously Puritan, and in October 
this novel assembly so far forgot its sense of the ludicrous 
as to pass a new " Toleration Act " securing to all persons 
freedom of conscience, provided such liberty were not ex- 
tended to " popery, prelacy, or licentiousness of opinion." 
In short, these liberal Puritans were ready to tolerate every- 
body except Catholics, Episcopalians, and anybody else who 
disagreed with them ! 

When Lord Baltimore heard how Stone had surrendered 
the government, he wrote a letter chiding him for it. The 
legal authority of the commissioners, Bennett and Claiborne, 
had expired with the Rump Parliament. Cromwell was now 
Lord Protector, and according to his own theory the Protec- 
torate was virtually the assignee of the Crown and successor 
to all its rights and obligations. Baltimore's charter was 
therefore as sound under the Protectorate as it had ever 
been. Knowing that Cromwell favoured this view, Cecilius 
wrote to Stone to resume the government and withstand the 
Puritans. This led at once to civil war. Governor Stone 
gathered a force of 130 men and marched against the settle- 
ment at Providence, flying Baltimore's beautiful Battle of 
flag of black and gold. Captain Fuller, with 175 theSevem 
men, was ready for him, and the two little armies met on the 
bank of the Severn, March 25, 1655. Besides his superiority 
in numbers, Fuller was helped by two armed merchant ships, 
the one British, the other from New England, which kept up 
a sharp fire from the river. Stone's men were put to flight, 
leaving one third of their number in killed and wounded.